遵约与国际制度的有效性:情投意合还是一厢情愿

20世纪90年代,国际关系学与国际法学开始走上了相互借鉴、学习的道路。国际关系学者和法学研究者在遵约研究方面具有共同的议程,遵约研究已经成为国际关系理论的重要方面。遵约被国际关系学界用来衡量制度的因果影响,具有一定的客观性。但是,遵约与国际制度有效性之间并不具有必然的联系,遵约是对制度因果关系的误读。此外,认识论、方法论上及分析层次、内生性问题上也对遵约研究提出了挑战。遵约研究对制度有效性的启示在于:应该慎重选择衡量结果的指标,从而准确评估制度对国家政策和行为的因果影响。     

国际法院对岛礁争端的裁量与南海维权——东南亚国家的经验及其对中国的启示

东南亚国家中的马来西亚、印尼和新加坡通过国际法院裁决的方式成功地解决了相互之间的岛礁主权争端。在对马来西亚与印尼、马来西亚与新加坡岛礁主权争端案的裁决过程中,国际法院综合考量了有效控制、继承、禁止反言和先占原则。马来西亚与印尼、马来西亚与新加坡通过国际法院裁决解决相互间岛礁争端的经验对中国更好地维护南海主权具有一定的启示。     

试论基础四国在后哥本哈根气候谈判中的立场和作用

基础四国是由中国、印度、巴西和南非四个主要发展中国家组成的气候谈判集团,鉴于其成员在发展中国家和世界上的影响力,该集团在国际气候谈判中备受关注。在构建2012年后国际气候机制的谈判中,基础四国的立场表现出了很高的协调性,但也存在一定的差异。总体而言,基础四国的出现和协调行动推动了国际气候谈判在公约框架下展开,有利于后京都气候安排的达成,但也可能促使国际气候谈判集团,特别是G77加中国的分化和重新组合。基础四国气候谈判集团出现时间尚短,其最终能够在构建后京都气候机制中发挥何种作用将取决于基础四国在应对气候变化中如何对待联合国渠道与其他渠道的关系、敦促发达国家减排的决心和能力以及是否能够保持G77加中国内部的团结性等。     

“另案处理”案件的司法实践与思考——以湖州市为例

2006至2007年,湖州市＂另案处理＂案件占全部移送起诉刑事案件的30.27%,其中存在将不构成犯罪,或已作治安行政处罚,或已判刑的罪犯作为＂另案处理＂的情况。在实施＂另案处理＂过程中,存在追逃措施不力、随意降格处理、滥用强制措施、工作责任心不强等问题。要高度重视＂另案处理＂案件,确立＂另案处理＂的适用标准,建立严格的＂另案处理＂操作程序,发挥检察监督作用,完善考核激励机制,加强经费和警力保障。     

转型中的秩序与“二元治理结构”

在成功的市场经济中,个体在经济交往中是选择公共秩序还是选择私立秩序进行治理,大体上依赖于交易的信息条件所导致的交易成本。但是在转型经济中,受原权力集中型计划经济体系的持续影响,一个很重要的特征就是不同经济个体在使用公共秩序时的机会和成本是不对等的,即在转型经济体中公共秩序和私立秩序是相分离的二元治理结构。本文试图对这种二元结构的特征进行一个归纳和分析,并在此基础上提出转型的瓶颈问题,同时对中国在转型过程中的特殊性进行重点剖析。     

New Interpretations of Cyber Power

Since the 1990’s,the Internet has been an important force behind world changes and has sparked debates on such issues as the right to access to information and the concept of Cyber Power. In the first decade of this century,the Internet was one of the key causes of global change. Great advances were made in the field of information technology and the global spread of information reached unprecedented levels. The effects on society went from quantitative to qualitative. The Internet is also becoming a strate...     

Know thy enemy: Hizbullah, ‘terrorism’ and the politics of perception

The labelling career of the Lebanese armed group and political party Hizbullah is an interesting case with which to investigate the epistemological consequences of the politics of naming. Having found itself since its inception in the mid-1980s on the receiving end of mainly US and Israeli policy makers' and analysts' scorn for being an archetypical terrorist organisation, Hizbullah has been surprisingly successful in achieving its stated aims and in enduring the verbal and military onslaught against it. Although it is not the intention here to reduce explanations for Hizbullah's durability to discursive politics, this article suggests that both the labelling of Hizbullah as terrorist and, conversely, its identification as a ‘lebanonised’ political force that is about to make its conversion into an unarmed political party are misleading and incapable of grasping this organisation's complexities. In fact, both ‘terrorist’ and ‘lebanonised’ labels produce a quality of knowledge inferior to that produced by Hizbullah's own conceptualisation of its enemies. But most importantly, the debate on Hizbullah's alleged terrorist nature has obscured several of its traits that many should register before passing judgement on it. Our analysis shows that the variety of institutions Hizbullah has been carefully elaborating and readapting over the past two decades in Lebanon operate today as a holistic and integrated network which produce sets of values and meanings embedded in an interrelated religious and political framework—that of the wilayat al-faqih. These meanings are disseminated on a daily basis among Shi'a constituencies through the party's institutionalised networks and serve to mobilise them into ‘the society of the Resistance’ (mujtamaa’ al-muqawama), which is the foundation of the hala al-islamiyya (Islamic sphere) in Lebanon. Accordingly, any prospect of Hizbullah's transformation away from armed ‘resistance’ should be firmly placed in an analysis of its hegemony among the Shi'a of Lebanon and of the tools it uses to acquire and sustain this status.