Military Cuts and Conversion in the Defense Industry

The partial reorientation of the Soviet defense industry toward civilian production is examined by a prominent Western specialist in the context of the overall reduction in military spending. Provisions of the current program for conversion in the defense complex are analyzed with due consideration of anticipated effects on the economy at large. The author discusses the expected mix between civilian and military production within the defense industry, and notes the range and number of enterprises affected. Also outlined are the implications of the conversion program for military R&D and for the size and compensation of the workforce in the defense complex, journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P20, H56.     

Renting a flat in Hangzhou

Abstract

Shortly after my arrival at Zhejiang Agricultural University as a visiting scholar, I faced the question of where to live. There were of course the guesthouses on campus, but these ranged in price from 3,000 to 4,800 yuan per month (about US$400 to $600). By contrast, apartment rentals in nearby Hangzhou ran from about 500 yuan per month for a two-room unfurnished flat to a monthly rent of about 1,500 yuan for a furnished, three-room flat equipped with air conditioner, telephone, and assorted fixtures. Even though the latter rates are somewhat expensive by local standards, they still represent a considerable savings over guest-house accommodations on campus, as well as affording a degree of privacy that I deemed important to the conduct of life during my research project.     

Evaluation of the Cozart RapiScan drug test system for opiates and cocaine in oral fluid

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the efficiency of the Cozart^® RapiScan (CRS) drug test system for detecting opiates and cocaine in oral fluid. Oral fluid samples were collected using the Cozart^® RapiScan collection system from 358 donors who were receiving treatment for their addiction and were monitored for drug misuse. A further 103 oral fluid samples were collected from volunteer donors who were not drug users. The samples were analyzed in the laboratory using the two-panel Cozart^® RapiScan cartridge for opiates and cocaine and confirmed using gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC–MS). The samples were stored frozen at −20 °C until analysis by GC–MS. The overall accuracy of the CRS for both opiates and cocaine was 100%. Samples spiked at 50% above and below the cut-off consistently gave negative and positive results respectively. A total of 88 samples were positive for various opiates and 111 samples were positive for cocaine and/or its metabolites. The CRS for opiates and cocaine in oral fluid, using a cut-off of 30 ng/mL morphine or benzoylecgonine equivalents in neat oral fluid, had overall efficiencies of 98% and 99%, respectively, versus GC–MS. A series of potential adulterants of oral fluid were evaluated and shown not to alter the outcome of the test result.     

Civil Society Relationships with the G20: An Extension of the G8 Template or Distinctive Pattern of Engagement?

The central question that this work asks is whether the relationship between the G20 summit process and civil society is path dependent on the template built up with respect to the G8. Or, alternatively, does the G20–civil society relationship move towards a distinct autonomous pattern? Through the perspective of the G8 template it is the differences as much as the basic similarities that stand out with respect to the G20. Civil society recognised the significance of the G20 as a site both of delivery and resistance far quicker than they did with the G8—although the process of engagement did not take place as quickly as might have been expected given the scale of the impact of the global financial crisis. In terms of scope, there has not developed the sense of connection with the G20 agenda as occurred previously with the G8. In terms of form, there remains a more nuanced approach to the relationship between civil society and G20 than the two ends of the “Genoa” and “Gleneagles” spectrum established with the G8.     

The European community's system of generalized tariff preferences: A critique

In mid‐1971 the European Community introduced a system of generalized tariff preferences for less developed countries, hailing its scheme as a ‘generous response’ to the needs of those countries. This paper explores tentatively how generous the European tariff preference scheme is, in terms of its likely stimulus to exports from and investment in the less developed countries. It also assesses the impact of the scheme on the assumption of United Kingdom membership in the Community. It concludes that whether Britain is in or out, the European scheme, based as it is on rather restrictive tariff quotas keyed to past trade data, will offer little help in furthering the economic objectives of developing countries.