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41.
In his seminal work on Southern politics, V.O. Key observed that voters disproportionately support local candidates at the ballot box. While empirical analyses have confirmed “friends-and-neighbors” voting across numerous electoral contexts, no one has directly examined voter turnout as the mechanism linking place of residence to vote choice. We argue that place of residence is a social identity that incentivizes citizens to turn out to vote on behalf of the local candidate. We test this mobilization mechanism using a randomized field experiment conducted during a 2014 state legislative primary election. Our results show that county ties between candidates and voters likely boost turnout. Our findings contribute to our understanding of the importance of place identity for turnout decisions in low-information elections. 相似文献
42.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):369-386
Citizens generally try to cooperate with social norms, especially when norm compliance is monitored and publicly disclosed.
A recent field experimental study demonstrates that civic appeals that tap into social pressure motivate electoral participation
appreciably (Gerber et al., Am Polit Sci Rev 102:33–48, 2008). Building on this work, I use field experimental techniques to examine further the socio-psychological mechanisms that underpin
this effect. I report the results of three field experiments conducted in the November 2007 elections designed to test whether
voters are more effectively mobilized by appeals that engender feelings of pride (for reinforcing or perpetuating social and
cultural values or norms) or shame (for violating social and cultural values or norms). Voters in Monticello, Iowa and Holland,
Michigan were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified voters in the November 2007
election would be published in the local newspaper (pride treatment). In Ely, Iowa voters were randomly assigned to receive
a mailing that indicated the names of all verified nonvoters would be published in the local newspaper (shame treatment).
The experimental findings suggest shame may be more effective than pride on average, but this may depend on who the recipients
are. Pride motivates compliance with voting norms only amongst high-propensity voters, while shame mobilizes both high- and
low-propensity voters. 相似文献
43.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(2):353-357
Citizens participate in elections, at least partly, because they perceive voting as a social norm. Norms induce compliance because individuals prefer to avoid enforcement mechanisms—including social sanctions—that can be activated by uncooperative behavior. Public visibility, or surveillance, increases the likelihood of norm-compliant behavior and applies social pressure that impels individuals to act. Some scholars have linked social pressure to community size, advancing the notion that pressure to conform to social norms is heightened in smaller, less populous communities in which citizens interact frequently and where monitoring behavior is less onerous. Others argue that even highly-populated communities can exhibit “small world” properties that cause residents to be sensitive to social pressure. In this paper, I analyze data from a recent field experiment designed to test the impact of social pressure on voting taking interactions with community size into account. The findings I report suggest community size does not moderate the impact of social pressure. 相似文献
44.
Shahram Akbarzadeh Zahid Shahab Ahmed Costas Laoutides William Gourlay 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(6):1145-1162
The Kurdish population in Iran feels disenfranchised and excluded from the political system. Based on an original survey of Iranian Kurds, it is revealed that Kurds lack trust and confidence in the central government and do not exhibit any emotional connection with Iranian identity or the Islamic Republic of Iran. Overwhelmingly, survey respondents put their Kurdish identity and affiliations as the primary point of reference. This emotional and political disconnect with Iran poses a serious challenge to the incumbent regime. It is an affront to the official rhetoric of ethnic unity and Iranian solidarity that is reinforced by Islamic principles under the Islamic Republic of Iran. This has led the incumbent regime to opt for a security response to a clearly political challenge. However, as the survey data in this research reveals, the securitisation of Iran’s response to its Kurdish population is only widening the gap, and aggravating the situation. The securitised approach to Kurdish aspirations for inclusion and acceptance is a counterproductive strategy with significant risks for the Islamic Republic of Iran. 相似文献
45.
Graeme Horsman Ph.D. Alex Caithness B.A. Costas Katsavounidis M.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(2):577-586
The Microsoft Windows operating system continues to dominate the desktop computing market. With such high levels of usage comes an inferred likelihood of digital forensic practitioners encountering this platform during their investigations. As part of any forensic examination of a digital device, operating system artifacts, which support the identification and understanding of how a user has behaved on their system provide a potential source of evidence. Now, following Microsoft's April 2018 build 1803 release with its incorporated “Timeline” feature, the potential for identifying and tracking user activity has increased. This work provides a timely examination of the Windows 10 Timeline feature demonstrating the ability to recover activity‐based content from within its stored database log files. Examination results and underpinning experimental methodologies are offered, demonstrating the ability to recover activity tile and process information in conjunction with the Windows Timeline. Further, an SQL query has been provided to support the interpretation of data stored within the ActivitiesCache.db . 相似文献
46.
Costas Lapavitsas 《European Law Journal》2018,24(2-3):226-243
Changing a country's currency involves a redenomination risk arising due to assets and liabilities that are impossible to redenominate because of contracts governed by foreign law. Depreciation or appreciation of the new currency could, therefore, result in losses or gains, thus creating a risk for economic agents. The risk can be estimated by splitting the economy into public, private, banking and central banking sectors, and summing up exposed aggregate assets and liabilities. This method is applied to Greece showing that exiting the EMU would certainly entail forbidding redenomination losses for the Greek public sector, leading to default. Surprisingly, however, the impact on the private and the banking sectors would actually be positive (gain). The impact on the Bank of Greece would be ambiguous depending primarily on the legal status of TARGET2 liabilities. It is notable that even the Bank of Greece possesses a significant cushion in the form of bonds under foreign law. In all, the redenomination risk for the Greek economy is modest, with the exception of the public sector. 相似文献
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