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41.
In his seminal work on Southern politics, V.O. Key observed that voters disproportionately support local candidates at the ballot box. While empirical analyses have confirmed “friends-and-neighbors” voting across numerous electoral contexts, no one has directly examined voter turnout as the mechanism linking place of residence to vote choice. We argue that place of residence is a social identity that incentivizes citizens to turn out to vote on behalf of the local candidate. We test this mobilization mechanism using a randomized field experiment conducted during a 2014 state legislative primary election. Our results show that county ties between candidates and voters likely boost turnout. Our findings contribute to our understanding of the importance of place identity for turnout decisions in low-information elections. 相似文献
42.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):369-386
Citizens generally try to cooperate with social norms, especially when norm compliance is monitored and publicly disclosed.
A recent field experimental study demonstrates that civic appeals that tap into social pressure motivate electoral participation
appreciably (Gerber et al., Am Polit Sci Rev 102:33–48, 2008). Building on this work, I use field experimental techniques to examine further the socio-psychological mechanisms that underpin
this effect. I report the results of three field experiments conducted in the November 2007 elections designed to test whether
voters are more effectively mobilized by appeals that engender feelings of pride (for reinforcing or perpetuating social and
cultural values or norms) or shame (for violating social and cultural values or norms). Voters in Monticello, Iowa and Holland,
Michigan were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified voters in the November 2007
election would be published in the local newspaper (pride treatment). In Ely, Iowa voters were randomly assigned to receive
a mailing that indicated the names of all verified nonvoters would be published in the local newspaper (shame treatment).
The experimental findings suggest shame may be more effective than pride on average, but this may depend on who the recipients
are. Pride motivates compliance with voting norms only amongst high-propensity voters, while shame mobilizes both high- and
low-propensity voters. 相似文献
43.
Myanmar’s Rohingya conflict is arguably the most sensitive and complex issue facing the country, both in terms of the extent of physical and social destruction, and the impact on Myanmar’s domestic reform and international standing. The scale of human suffering is mind-numbing, the reactions of Aung San Suu Kyi and the Myanmar authorities baffling. However, too much international commentary is reductionist, flattening multiparty and multifaceted sociopolitical dynamics into a simple narrative, which is detrimental to understanding and responding to the conflict. This paper attempts to make sense of some of this complexity, firstly by addressing several common misperceptions of the conflict, then analysing it from a variety of theoretical perspectives. The first misconception is that this conflict is not new, but significant antecedents date back at to at least World War II, if not before. The second is that this conflict is not merely about state oppression of a despised and vulnerable ethno-religious minority, but rather a multipolar conflict with conflict and violence, driven by mutual existential fears and deeply historical grievances on all sides, by at least three key actors. This multipolarity needs to be better understood but outsiders seeking resolution of the conflict. And finally, the third is that this conflict is not primarily about the denial of citizenship and statelessness of the Muslims, as significant as this is, but about definition of the political community in Myanmar and the politics of inclusion/exclusion in governance. Framing this as an ‘intractable conflict’, this paper then examines the drivers of conflict from the perspective of an ethnic security dilemma, a double minority complex, and the political economy, arriving at conclusions about the nature of the conflict and sounding a final warning about a potential moral hazard arising from the way international support is framed and offered. 相似文献
44.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(2):353-357
Citizens participate in elections, at least partly, because they perceive voting as a social norm. Norms induce compliance because individuals prefer to avoid enforcement mechanisms—including social sanctions—that can be activated by uncooperative behavior. Public visibility, or surveillance, increases the likelihood of norm-compliant behavior and applies social pressure that impels individuals to act. Some scholars have linked social pressure to community size, advancing the notion that pressure to conform to social norms is heightened in smaller, less populous communities in which citizens interact frequently and where monitoring behavior is less onerous. Others argue that even highly-populated communities can exhibit “small world” properties that cause residents to be sensitive to social pressure. In this paper, I analyze data from a recent field experiment designed to test the impact of social pressure on voting taking interactions with community size into account. The findings I report suggest community size does not moderate the impact of social pressure. 相似文献
45.
Evangelos Dragonas MSc Costas Lambrinoudakis PhD Michael Kotsis MSc 《Journal of forensic sciences》2024,69(1):117-130
CCTV surveillance systems are ubiquitous IoT appliances. Their forensic examination has proven critical for investigating crimes. DAHUA Technology is a well-known manufacturer of such products. Despite its global market share, research regarding digital forensics of DAHUA Technology CCTV systems is scarce and currently limited to extracting their video footage, overlooking the potential presence of valuable artifacts within their log records. These pieces of evidence remain unexploited by major commercial forensic software, yet they can hide vital information for an investigation. For instance, these log records document user actions, such as formatting the CCTV system's hard drive or disabling camera recording. This information can assist in attributing nefarious actions to specific users and hence can be invaluable for understanding the sequence of events related to incidents. Therefore, in this paper, several DAHUA Technology CCTV systems are thoroughly analyzed for these unexplored pieces of evidence, and their forensic value is presented. 相似文献
46.
47.
Shahram Akbarzadeh Zahid Shahab Ahmed Costas Laoutides William Gourlay 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(6):1145-1162
The Kurdish population in Iran feels disenfranchised and excluded from the political system. Based on an original survey of Iranian Kurds, it is revealed that Kurds lack trust and confidence in the central government and do not exhibit any emotional connection with Iranian identity or the Islamic Republic of Iran. Overwhelmingly, survey respondents put their Kurdish identity and affiliations as the primary point of reference. This emotional and political disconnect with Iran poses a serious challenge to the incumbent regime. It is an affront to the official rhetoric of ethnic unity and Iranian solidarity that is reinforced by Islamic principles under the Islamic Republic of Iran. This has led the incumbent regime to opt for a security response to a clearly political challenge. However, as the survey data in this research reveals, the securitisation of Iran’s response to its Kurdish population is only widening the gap, and aggravating the situation. The securitised approach to Kurdish aspirations for inclusion and acceptance is a counterproductive strategy with significant risks for the Islamic Republic of Iran. 相似文献
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