全文获取类型
收费全文 | 742篇 |
免费 | 37篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 97篇 |
工人农民 | 60篇 |
世界政治 | 73篇 |
外交国际关系 | 40篇 |
法律 | 326篇 |
中国政治 | 25篇 |
政治理论 | 153篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 29篇 |
2018年 | 36篇 |
2017年 | 40篇 |
2016年 | 40篇 |
2015年 | 21篇 |
2014年 | 22篇 |
2013年 | 164篇 |
2012年 | 20篇 |
2011年 | 26篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 23篇 |
2007年 | 20篇 |
2006年 | 21篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 24篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 14篇 |
1999年 | 17篇 |
1998年 | 13篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 4篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有779条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
691.
W. Taylor Fain 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):125-152
As it emerged from a long, self‐imposed diplomatic isolation after 1955 and then plunged into revolution and civil war in 1962, Yemen confronted its Arab neighbours, the United States, and Great Britain with difficult political challenges. This study of Anglo‐American diplomacy concerning Yemen in the late 1950s and early 1960s reveals the very different British and American interests and priorities in Arabia at the height of the Cold War and underscores the different tactics employed by each nation in pursuit of its regional goals. It also points out the strikingly different attitudes of officials in Washington and London to the phenomenon of Arab nationalism. Further, it highlights the importance of stability in the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula to US and British strategies for ensuring the uninterrupted flow of Persian Gulf petroleum to the West. Finally, this examination of events in southwest Arabia demonstrates how traditional rivalries and animosities in the region shaped the conditions under which the United States and Britain attempted to pursue their interests there. 相似文献
692.
Ian Taylor 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):110-122
The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of the People's Republic of China's relations with Namibia. Prior to liberation, China maintained cordial links with SWAPO, yet was constrained by the close ties the organisation had with Moscow and its allies. However, the absence of any alternative to SWAPO meant that China refrained from supporting any rival organisation to the Soviet‐backed movement, as it did in Zimbabwe or Angola, and the struggle for independence was largely devoid of the Sino‐Soviet dispute found elsewhere in Southern Africa liberation struggles. Upon independence, China was thus in a position where it sought to continue linkages with the SWAPO government, as part of its policy of bolstering itself internationally through the utilization of Third World support. Namibia for its part was eager for investment and economic development, and China has been seen as a useful country to do business with. 相似文献
693.
Nik Taylor 《Critical Criminology》2011,19(3):251-263
Using theories concerning human-animal abuse links this paper assesses the role(s) that criminology can play in understanding
human-animal relationships. That this is not a one-way process of knowledge transferral is acknowledged with analysis of the
contribution that human-animal studies can offer in return. Following a brief outline of human-animal abuse theses the contributions
that criminology can play in furthering understandings of, and informing responses to, this phenomenon are discussed. A critique
of mainstream approaches towards human-animal abuse links, namely, their conceptualization of animals as tools, is then outlined.
The argument that anthropocentric approaches to the study of interhuman violence actually reinforce the forms of oppression
which create and maintain such forms of violence in the first place, is then developed. The author concludes that the incorporation
of human-animal relationships into criminology offers something in return, i.e. an opportunity to re-think the modernist foundations
upon which (traditional) criminology is built. 相似文献
694.
Based upon over 20 hours of focus groups and in-depth interviews with diverse representation from three Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, the authors analyse Palestinian perceptions of both Lebanese and Palestinian security institutions, detailing the ways in which conventional, state-centric approaches to security by both parties have been insufficient. Special attention is paid to the new security regime in the Nahr al-Bared camp, which was destroyed in 2007 during a protracted battle between the Lebanese army and the militant Islamist group Fatah al-Islam. This is because the Government of Lebanon has made clear its intention that this regime serve as a model for the country's other 11 camps. Ultimately, the authors argue, Palestinian human security is inextricably linked to Lebanese sovereignty and national security, and the improvement of Palestinian human security will yield tangible security benefits for Lebanese and Palestinians alike. Rather than presume to speak on behalf of all Palestinians in Lebanon, the authors have instead opted to present detailed—and sometimes contradictory—quotations from Palestinians interviewed on such subjects as arms, violent extremism, Lebanese–Palestinian relations and the protection of human rights. 相似文献
695.
696.
Lucy Taylor 《Democratization》2013,20(3):62-83
Political education can play a crucial role in the process of democratization precisely because it is moulding the norms and expectations of the ‘ordinary’ citizen. After identifying three politico‐cultural obstacles to democratization, ‐ exclusion, violence and institutional manipulation ‐ the article explains how education for democracy programmes might undermine these obstacles. An assessment of several projects follows, including a new school curriculum and non‐governmental organization programmes among young people and poor communities. Given the enthusiasm shown towards such initiatives, it is paradoxical that levels of formal political participation via the parties are very low. The article explores the credibility gap of the parties, especially notable during elections, and which is leading the parties to respond by adopting more participatory practices at the base. El Salvador is in an advantageous position precisely because of its greatest problem: the lack of a liberal democratic history which is now allowing ordinary citizens to ‘create’ their democracy from scratch and to imagine for themselves a new identity as citizens. 相似文献
697.
698.
699.
Obesity is a widespread condition affecting modern Americans. The prevalence of obesity has led to questions of how it can affect the skeleton, and if so can it be identified in unknown skeletal material. This study attempts to decipher the effects of activity level and body mass in modern Americans by employing musculoskeletal stress markers (MSM) to estimate osseous responses to workload and body weight. A total sample of 108 skeletons of known activity level and body mass index (BMI) was observed for MSM in the upper extremity (excluding hands). The entheses selected included arm muscles used during the sit-to-stand transition, which is common in most persons, regardless of activity level and BMI. Using the three categories: normal, active, and obese, logistic regression was calculated on MSM to ascertain which markers were the best indicators of these three categories. Numerous muscles of the upper limb were significant predictors of activity level and body mass, although they did not perform much better than chance. MSM may be used as predictors of activity level and/or BMI in forensic contexts; however, they should be used in conjunction with other indications of workload and/or BMI. 相似文献
700.