首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   33842篇
  免费   1545篇
各国政治   1240篇
工人农民   1867篇
世界政治   2324篇
外交国际关系   1081篇
法律   21488篇
中国共产党   3篇
中国政治   153篇
政治理论   6989篇
综合类   242篇
  2020年   501篇
  2019年   546篇
  2018年   1814篇
  2017年   1836篇
  2016年   1736篇
  2015年   700篇
  2014年   703篇
  2013年   2684篇
  2012年   790篇
  2011年   1562篇
  2010年   1695篇
  2009年   1298篇
  2008年   1333篇
  2007年   1293篇
  2006年   716篇
  2005年   649篇
  2004年   729篇
  2003年   734篇
  2002年   573篇
  2001年   1006篇
  2000年   887篇
  1999年   728篇
  1998年   417篇
  1997年   358篇
  1996年   312篇
  1995年   343篇
  1994年   393篇
  1993年   321篇
  1992年   502篇
  1991年   543篇
  1990年   484篇
  1989年   528篇
  1988年   470篇
  1987年   463篇
  1986年   483篇
  1985年   478篇
  1984年   440篇
  1983年   447篇
  1982年   350篇
  1981年   329篇
  1980年   273篇
  1979年   369篇
  1978年   242篇
  1977年   217篇
  1976年   186篇
  1975年   173篇
  1974年   197篇
  1973年   172篇
  1972年   155篇
  1971年   144篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
Despite some understanding of general correlates and possible antecedents to intimate partner violence (IPV) within the Christian community, the impact of religious and spiritual factors tends to be confounded by other factors and is often misjudged. Archival data from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) were used to examine the impact of nine religious and spiritual factors on the probability of IPV perpetration by males, aged 18 to 26, who nominally classified themselves as Catholic, Protestant, or Christian. Logistic regression results indicated that IPV perpetration could not be adequately predicted from the religious and spiritual factors. Given the geographic breadth and the size of the Add Health sample, no finding of a predictive model for Christian male-perpetrated IPV challenges the paradigm that religious and spiritual factors should be overtly addressed in faith-based batterers’ programs targeting young adult males.  相似文献   
72.
73.
What is required for sustaining an alliance between union and environmental activists? Applying grounded theory to a case study in the Costa Rican banana sector, this article reveals five historical phases. First, unions and environmentalists identify common opportunity structures for joint action. Second, a preexisting network becomes a resource for mobilization. Third, the new coalition engages in communicative action that leads to shared identity and cultural framing and a foundation for handling exogenous global forces. Market policy changes in the fourth phase stimulate a transnational activist network and framing linkages. Dramatic supply disruptions in the fifth precipitate autonomous organizational approaches that require reframing, identity extension, and flexibility. This study argues that the Costa Rican case can be generalized to other labor‐environmental coalitions if such alliances create simple, open structures that agilely adapt to external opportunity structures and expand frames that encourage collaborative autonomy and dualistic collective definitions.  相似文献   
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort.  相似文献   
79.
80.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号