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921.
922.
The purpose of the present study was to examine relations between adolescents’ social cognitions regarding parenting practices
and adolescents’ prosocial behavioral tendencies. A mediation model was tested whereby the degree to which adolescents perceived
their parents as responding appropriately to their prosocial and antisocial behaviors was hypothesized to predict adolescents’
tendencies toward prosocial behavior indirectly by way of adolescents’ prosocial values. Adolescents (N = 140; M age = 16.76 years, SD = .80; 64% girls; 91% European Americans) completed measures of prosocial values and of the appropriateness
with which they expected their parents to react to their prosocial and antisocial behaviors. In addition, teachers and parents
rated the adolescents’ tendencies for prosocial behaviors. A structural equation model test showed that the degree to which
adolescents expected their parents to respond appropriately to their prosocial behaviors was related positively to their prosocial
values, which in turn was positively associated with their tendencies to engage in prosocial behaviors (as reported by parents
and teachers). The findings provide evidence for the central role of adolescents’ evaluations and expectancies of parental
behaviors and of the role of values in predicting prosocial tendencies. Discussion focuses on the implications for moral socialization
theories and on the practical implications of these findings in understanding adolescents’ prosocial development. 相似文献
923.
Robert D. Laird Matthew D. Marrero Miranda Sentse 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(12):1431-1441
Studies using valid measures of monitoring activities have not found the anticipated main effects linking greater monitoring
activity with fewer behavioral problems. This study focused on two contexts in which monitoring activities may be particularly
influential. Early adolescents (n = 218, M age = 11.5 years, 51% female, 49% European American, 47% African American) reported their unsupervised time, beliefs about
the legitimacy of their parents’ authority, and their own involvement in antisocial behavior. Mothers and adolescents reported
their perceptions of adolescent disclosure and parental solicitation and control. Adolescents’ perceptions of greater parental
solicitation at age 11 were associated with less antisocial behavior at age 12 (when controlling for age 11 antisocial behavior)
among adolescents reporting large amounts of unsupervised time and weak legitimacy beliefs. Perceived parental solicitation
may be an effective deterrent of antisocial behavior when adolescents spend a lot of time unsupervised and for adolescents
who are likely to challenge the legitimacy of their parents’ authority. 相似文献
924.
Jason A. Grissom Jill Nicholson-Crotty Sean Nicholson-Crotty 《Public administration review》2009,69(5):911-919
Scholars of representative bureaucracy have long been interested in the linkage between passive representation in public agencies and the pursuit of specific policies designed to benefit minority groups. Research in this area suggests that the structural characteristics of those organizations, the external political environment, and the perceptions of individual bureaucrats each help to facilitate that relationship. Work to date has not, however, sufficiently investigated the impact of region on representation behavior, which is surprising given the emphasis that it receives in the broader literature on race and politics. Drawing on that literature, this study argues that, for black bureaucrats, region of residence is an important moderator of active representation because it helps to determine the salience of race as an issue and the degree of identification with racial group interests. It tests hypotheses related to that general argument in a nationally representative sample of more than 3,000 public schools. The results suggest that black teachers produce greater benefits for black students in the South, relative to other regions. A supplementary analysis also confirms the theoretical supposition that race is a more salient issue for Southern black bureaucrats, when compared with their non-Southern counterparts. 相似文献
925.
926.
Neal D. Woods 《Public administration review》2009,69(3):518-530
This study documents state implementation of mechanisms designed to promote public participation in agency rulemaking. Many scholars have questioned the effectiveness of such mechanisms, arguing that they fail to encourage greater participation or that increased participation does not affect the substance of administrative rules. Using data from a unique survey of state administrators, the author employs multivariate analyses to assess the relationship between these measures and the perceived influence of external actors. The results suggest that critics may understate the importance of public notification and access procedures. These devices are associated with increases in the impact that a wide variety of actors are perceived to have on the content of agency rules. 相似文献
927.
The riskiness of state employee pension plan portfolios varies across states. We investigate whether this variation is related to how public employees and taxpayers share actuarial surpluses of pension accounts. We focus on two determinants of a plan’s asset mix: the relative influence of public employees to taxpayers; and whether a surplus-sharing contract is specified. Our theoretical model demonstrates that the effect of public employee influence on the asset mix is ambiguous. Our empirical results corroborate this complex theoretical result. In our theoretical and empirical analyses, if a surplus sharing rule is specified, plans adopt a more aggressive investment allocation. 相似文献
928.
929.
930.
A prominent change in American electoral institutions occurred when the 17th Amendment to the Constitution established direct election of U.S. Senators as of 1914. How did this change the political agency relationship between the mass electorate and U.S. Senators? We develop theoretical expectations about the representational effects of direct election by a relatively inexpert mass electorate and indirect election by a relatively expert political intermediary, based on principal‐agent theory. The chief predictions are that the representative will be more responsive to the mass electorate under direct election, but will also have more discretion to pursue his or her own ends. We use the 17th Amendment as a quasi‐experiment to test the predictions of the theory. Statistical models show strong support for both predictions. Moreover, the 17th Amendment is not associated with similar changes in the U.S. House of Representatives—as expected, since the amendment did not change House electoral institutions. 相似文献