全文获取类型
收费全文 | 17473篇 |
免费 | 1378篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 720篇 |
工人农民 | 567篇 |
世界政治 | 1272篇 |
外交国际关系 | 510篇 |
法律 | 12573篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 111篇 |
政治理论 | 2990篇 |
综合类 | 107篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 402篇 |
2019年 | 411篇 |
2018年 | 490篇 |
2017年 | 563篇 |
2016年 | 573篇 |
2015年 | 521篇 |
2014年 | 500篇 |
2013年 | 1776篇 |
2012年 | 387篇 |
2011年 | 494篇 |
2010年 | 640篇 |
2009年 | 605篇 |
2008年 | 418篇 |
2007年 | 388篇 |
2006年 | 491篇 |
2005年 | 384篇 |
2004年 | 395篇 |
2003年 | 364篇 |
2002年 | 332篇 |
2001年 | 695篇 |
2000年 | 565篇 |
1999年 | 486篇 |
1998年 | 235篇 |
1997年 | 191篇 |
1996年 | 169篇 |
1995年 | 199篇 |
1994年 | 221篇 |
1993年 | 196篇 |
1992年 | 343篇 |
1991年 | 364篇 |
1990年 | 345篇 |
1989年 | 365篇 |
1988年 | 313篇 |
1987年 | 303篇 |
1986年 | 317篇 |
1985年 | 343篇 |
1984年 | 311篇 |
1983年 | 288篇 |
1982年 | 216篇 |
1981年 | 199篇 |
1980年 | 176篇 |
1979年 | 244篇 |
1978年 | 158篇 |
1977年 | 129篇 |
1976年 | 113篇 |
1975年 | 117篇 |
1974年 | 125篇 |
1973年 | 114篇 |
1972年 | 94篇 |
1971年 | 90篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
861.
There is little professional consensusregarding the effect of economic conditionson House Elections. We argue that recentwork still uses the paradigm of Party toorganize their data and tests. Given thatrecent developments in the theory ofcongress emphasize the paradigm ofIncumbency, we investigate the empiricalrelevance of that competing paradigm. Weshow that (1) Incumbency matters in a purePresidential Party Model of HouseElections, (2) Presidential Party mattersin a pure Incumbency Model, (3) Once bothParty and Incumbency are accounted for,economic conditions exert a highlysignificant and temporally stable influenceon House elections, (4) Return Rates aremore affected by economic fluctuations thanare Vote Shares, and (5) Not allPresidential Party incumbents face the samedegree of electoral accountability foreconomic fluctuations. 相似文献
862.
863.
Kelly D. Edmiston 《公共行政管理与发展》2002,22(3):221-234
Using the experience of Papua New Guinea as a case study, this article examines the importance of political and administrative organization, electoral politics and revenue assignments for fostering subnational autonomy and accountability in decentralized developing countries, and hence the success of fiscal decentralization programmes. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
864.
865.
866.
Andrew B. Whitford 《Policy Sciences》2002,35(2):125-139
Can bureaucracies respond to threats marked by both potentially high costs and fundamental uncertainty? Standard guidelines such as maximizing expected value to the society over a period of time may be ineffective; yet, state action is often most demanded for such situations. I argue that the precautionary principle of reserved rationality helps explain the ability of bureaucracies to choose appropriate actions under uncertainty. Such bureaucracies are empowered when there is sufficient informal institutional support for their expertise and the bureaucracy has the discretion to take necessary precautions. I draw historical information from the case of Singapore's regulation of the formerly common pool resource of water catchment areas. This case reveals decision making when it is not clear that the expected-value criterion would support action, as well as the importance of political and institutional support for such action. 相似文献
867.
William D. Coplin Astrid E. Merget & Carolyn Bourdeaux 《Public administration review》2002,62(6):699-711
Although academic and professional publications give the impression that performance measurement is a growing government practice, in actuality the use of this technology is not as deep or as widespread as it may appear. Even when performance measures are used, governments rarely integrate them into planning, budget, personnel, and other management processes. Most professional researchers located primarily in academic institutions, but also in research and government organizations, approach performance measurement as though governmental officials, elected or otherwise, are already sold on its usefulness. Instead, they need to function as "change agents," using a variety of strategies to gain acceptance and understanding of the strengths and limitations of performance measurement. This article draws on the authors' experiences with the Community Benchmarks Program of the Maxwell School in Onondaga County and a review of the current literature. It suggests guidelines for professional researchers who want to increase the use of performance measures by governments at all levels. 相似文献
868.
Jon B. Gould 《Public administration review》2002,62(S1):74-79
The aftermath of September 11th has seen a worrisome rise in invasive surveillance measures. Both adopted by statute and initiated by agencies, these provisions provide unprecedented powers for government agents to investigate suspects and search individuals, whether they are directly involved in terrorism or not. The prevailing wisdom has been that the American people will accept these restrictions as the natural cost of heightened security, and initial evidence suggests the public has been willing to tolerate greater limits on civil liberties. However, over time such support will erode, leaving in place permanent restrictions on civil liberties that not only will concern Americans, but also may turn them against government officials and civic participation. Thus, contrary to many interpretations of September 11th, this article argues that the policy response has only sown the seeds for greater detachment from and dissatisfaction with government as the public becomes increasingly separated from the workings and operations of public policy. 相似文献
869.
In an era when everyone wants to be a millionaire, governments struggle to attract and retain highly qualified employees, making it more important than ever to understand what attracts people to the public service. Using contingency table analysis and logistic regression on the 1989 and 1998 General Social Surveys, we explore how individuals' demographic characteristics and the importance they place on various job qualities influence their preference for and employment in the public sector. Job security may still be the strongest attraction of government jobs, but high income and the opportunity to be useful to society also attract some Americans to the public service. Minorities, veterans, Democrats, and older Americans preferred public-sector jobs more than whites, nonveterans, Republicans, and younger Americans, who were otherwise similar. Women and college graduates were more likely than comparable men and less-educated respondents to have government jobs, but no more likely to prefer them. Overall, desire for government jobs declined markedly between 1989 and 1998. 相似文献
870.