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181.
DAVID FAULKNER 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):232-240
This article reflects on the situation and prospects for public services in Great Britain, in the context of the changes in government and governance which have taken place over the last 25 years and in particular of the change of Prime Minister and the reconstruction of the government in the summer of 2007. It argues that government and public servants now need to think afresh about the way in which decisions are taken in government, and about the relationships between government, public services, and the citizens and communities they serve, and suggests the direction which their thinking might take. 相似文献
182.
DAVID BAKER 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(1):22-36
This article reviews the cumulative development of New Labour's attitude and strategy towards the EU since the late 1980s and argues that the first two New Labour governments' approach to the EU represented a distinct retreat from the 'constructive engagement' and social democratic philosophy of Tony Blair's early modernising phase, moving steadily to occupy a much more traditional British position of 'defensive engagement', mixing national preferences with Atlanticism, and resisting further political integration in favour of traditional 'intergovernmentalism'. It is further argued that New Labour's prioritisation and preferencing of a UK institutional and political economy based upon economic liberalisation, the preservation of key aspects of national sovereignty, and maintaining Atlanticism as the bedrock of Europe's external foreign and defence policies have left Britain almost as far from the true 'heart of Europe' as when Blair inherited office from John Major in 1997. 相似文献
183.
Will the Government Catch the Wind? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
DAVID TOKE 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(1):48-56
The government's Renewable Obligation system aims to supply 10 per cent of UK electricity from renewable sources by 2010. Although the headlines suggest that planning controversies hamper these objectives, by the summer of 2004 enough capacity had been given planning consent to supply 4 per cent of UK electricity from new renewable energy sources. Enough renewable capacity to supply 7 per cent of UK electricity from renewables will probably be operational by 2010. The bulk of this is coming from onshore wind power, especially based in Scotland, and also offshore wind power. The offshore schemes are more expensive and need additional support outside the Renewable Obligation. The Conservatives have promised to bring in planning curbs for onshore wind power. There is pressure for more nuclear power, but this is likely to be impossible to finance without a very large subsidy from the Department of Trade and Industry. 相似文献
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Abstract. The use of a political marketing framework to describe modern party election campaigns can be useful for comparison over time, between and within countries. This paper concentrates on inter-country comparisons, examining the election compaigns of the West German Christian Democrats in 1983, the British Conservatives in 1983 and the Irish Fine Gael party in 1981. Political marketing is defined as the application of promotional activities to direct an exchange with voters through the use of such instruments as product policy, communications policies and distribution. Among the paper's main findings are, first, that the CDU were the only party to have communications policies which closely matched their product policy and, second, that distribution activities appear to be where future campaign developments are likely to concentrate. The paper concludes with a discussion on some specific aspects of political marketing including effects, financial corruption and the part political marketing plays in the general evolution of the electoral process. 相似文献
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188.
This article argues for policies regarding the implementation of evaluation as an integral part of science education reform. Approaches to evaluation should be made comprehensive enough to include multiple methods and, through their use, to gain in‐depth information on large‐scale science education programs and projects. There must be a sustained commitment from stakeholders such as the National Science Foundation to support the training of specialists in the evaluation of science education. Specialists who are able to arrive at independent conclusions that are meaningful and beneficial for science teaching and learning are needed. Evaluation recommendations posited by the authors should be put through careful analysis and feasibility testing before moving to widespread adoption. 相似文献
189.
DAVID TOKE 《Public administration》2010,88(3):764-781
Policy network analysis is criticized for being a ‘heuristic’ device, yet ‘heuristic’ methods may be essential to achieve detailed understandings of specific policy outcomes. Rational choice modelling alone cannot perform a similar function. This paper develops a ‘heuristic’ policy network approach that focuses on the analysis of actor resources. Changing contexts can alter the resource distributions of actors within a policy community. This can lead to new policy outcomes. Policy networks can therefore be rescued from criticisms made by, for example, Dowding, by re‐visiting Rhodes's earlier emphasis on analysis of actor resources. This approach is illustrated in the case of UK renewable energy policy under the UK government of New Labour. Changing contexts have strengthened the resources of the main renewable energy interest groups to achieve higher targets and more technology‐specific means of financial incentives. The Renewable Energy Association has achieved legislation favouring feed‐in tariffs as is the practice elsewhere in Europe for small renewable generators. 相似文献
190.
DAVID ERDOS 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(2):188-198
This article systematically explores the political context behind Labour and the Conservatives' new commitment to a British Bill of Rights. This is linked to conflicting incentives to resist the current trajectory towards rights constitutionalism (‘Constitutional Freeze’), to further encourage further rights constitutionalism (‘Constitutional Fire’) and to engage in largely cosmetic change (‘Constitutional Smoke’). Ultimately, the latter has proved dominant for both parties. This demonstrates the difficulty of building political momentum behind significant revision of institutional responsibility for protecting human rights in stable, democratic settings. It specifically illustrates the strong barriers which both a hegemonic policy preserving and an ‘aversive’ constitutionalising dynamic must overcome to succeed. 相似文献