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601.
DAVID F. GREENBERG 《犯罪学》2003,41(4):1407-1418
Empirical and theoretical issues posed by Mark Cooney's (2003) analysis of long‐term trends in crimes of violence are discussed. 相似文献
602.
Relying on extensions of routine activities and social disorganization theories, we examine whether 1) neighborhood social characteristics shape opportunities for the development of unstructured socializing with peers among adolescents, 2) whether unstructured socializing leads to an increase in violent behavior within urban communities, and 3) whether neighborhood collective efficacy modifies the impact of unstructured socializing on violence. The study outlined in this article uses three waves of data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods Community Survey and Longitudinal Cohort Study. Results from multilevel linear models suggest that neighborhood collective efficacy supports the development of unstructured socializing with peers. Multilevel Rasch models of violent behavior indicate that, consistent with previous research, unstructured socializing is a powerful predictor of violence. Collective efficacy exerts an independent influence on violent behavior and attenuates the effect of unstructured socializing on this outcome. 相似文献
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DAVID M. FINKELSTEIN 《北京周报(英文版)》2010,53(28):12
Political exigencies continue to trump strategic possibilities in the oft-strained U.S.-China military relationship The latest round of the U . S . - China Strategic ? and Economic Dialogue 相似文献
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DAVID SPARKES 《北京周报(英文版)》2010,53(39):48
"Excuse me, you can sit here,"he said. The man had reasonable pronunciation and looked studious, 相似文献
609.
ROBERT FORD MATTHEW J. GOODWIN DAVID CUTTS 《European Journal of Political Research》2012,51(2):204-234
While Euroscepticism is the most important driver of United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) support, other attitudinal drivers – namely dissatisfaction towards mainstream parties and xenophobia – are also important. Examining vote‐switching between first‐ and second‐order elections evidence is found of a distinction between two types of supporter: more affluent and middle‐class ‘strategic defectors’ from the mainstream Conservative Party who support UKIP to register their Euroscepticism, and more economically marginal and politically disaffected ‘core loyalists’ who are attracted to UKIP by its anti‐immigration rhetoric and populist anti‐establishment strategy. UKIP also succeeds in attracting core support from groups such as women who have traditionally rejected extreme right parties such as the British National Party (BNP). This suggests that UKIP is well positioned to recruit a broader and more enduring base of support than the BNP. 相似文献
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