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581.
What affects political representatives' attitudes toward citizen protests? We test the impact of political representatives' left‐right ideology, parliamentary position, and earlier experience of citizen protests. Using data from a pioneering survey covering all local political representatives in Sweden (n = 9,101, response rate 70%), we examine attitudes toward controversial noninstitutionalized forms of citizen protests. The results show that representatives to the right show considerably lower protest acceptance than those to the left. Representatives in office show significantly lower levels of acceptance than those of the opposition. Finally, the results show that representatives with more protest experience show higher protest acceptance. 相似文献
582.
Recent interest in the possible deterrent effects of aggressive or proactive policing raises the issue of such strategies' consequences for individual liberties and police-community relations. This study examines the latter—specifically, the effects of four neighborhood-level measures of an aggressive patrol style on citizens' evaluations of police and citizens' propensities to report crimes. The results suggest that, for most citizens, aggressive patrol has almost no effect on either evaluations or reporting behavior. Surprisingly, one form of proactive patrol, the neighborhood rate of suspicion stops, seems to have a positive effect on the evaluations of police made by young black men. 相似文献
583.
584.
DAVID MCDOWALL 《Law & policy》1986,8(2):135-148
This paper examines the hypothesis that crime rates and the availability of firearms form a "vicious circle," so that increases in one lead to increases in the other. Two waves of panel data are used to estimate the relationship between rates of robbery and the relative availability of guns in a sample of large U.S. cities. The results indicate that total robbery rates and gun availability had no influence on each other, but that weapons choice in robbery and gun availability did form a mutually reinforcing cycle. Some implications of these findings are considered. 相似文献
585.
586.
We have conducted economic simulation, historical, and survey research that considers the national government's obligation to the regions that surround the places where it developed and tested nuclear weapons. The research shows that the strongest case for an obligation is at four site regions: Hanford (Washington), Idaho, Oak Ridge (Tennessee), and Savannah River (Georgia, South Carolina). These four are dependent on the Department of Energy (DOE), have relatively low incomes, are expected to grow less economically than their counterparts and the nation as a whole, and suffer from environmental stigma. We reviewed and simulated the impacts of a variety of tools, including severance packages, onsite projects, and offsite economic investments. In essence, investments in severance packages, education, and recreation are more effective per dollar invested than high technology, but all investments are less effective in these dependent regions than in larger metropolitan areas because of the economic leakage out of these dependent regions. The national government needs to begin a process of working with these regions to help them deal with the shock of shrinking their dependency on the DOE. 相似文献
587.
588.
DAVID CANNADINE 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(1):124-127
The UK's honour system is a strange mixture of ancient tradition and Victorian invention, and is drifting into obsolescence. Many of its honours recall a vanished imperial past, or maintain increasingly unacceptable demarcations between classes of recipients. However, the high rate of acceptance of honours and the almost universal existence of similar systems throughout the world suggests that people do still value an honours system. But what form should it take? In 2004 two separate reports looked at most elements of the system and produced recommendations, though their impacts were lost in the shadow of the far more dramatic Butler Report. David Cannadine assesses both honours reports and their prospects for adoption at a time when the policy‐makers and government are preoccupied with other issues. He concludes that the time is right for change — in spite of the inevitable opposition from some quarters — given that both Whitehall and Westminster agree that change is necessary. 相似文献
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590.
DAVID C. ROWE 《犯罪学》1986,24(3):513-532
This study investigates the common-family environmental (CE), within-family environmental (WE), and hereditary (H) components of antisocial behavior and its correlates using a twin study design. The subjects are 265 adolescent twin pairs who reported in a mail survey on their antisocial behavior, deceitfulness, parental rejection (as perceived), anger, impulsivity, and value placed on school achievement. These six variables are intercorrelated in two ways: between-families (twin pairs' sums) and within-families (twin pairs' differences). The former covariance structure captures the twins' resemblances: the latter, the twins' differences in behavior. LISREL is used to model the observed relationships using structural equations containing CE, WE, and H factors. The best-fitting model requires only H and WE factors to explain the variables' relationships. Within this population, delinquent behavior is unaffected by CE influences such as social class, child rearing styles, parental attitudes, parental religion, and other factors equally affecting the twins. The principal genetic correlates of delinquency appear to be deceitfullness and temperamental traits. 相似文献