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For the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C) the year 1987 can now be seen as pivotal in marking a clear end to a period of transition in coordinating structures in the Australian Public Service (APS) that had lasted roughly 20 years. The abolition in 1987 of the Public Service Board, formerly a powerful coordinating agency, is the most obvious marker of the change. The PSB's departure left the Secretary of PM&C with a role that is now often described as ‘head of the public service’. More broadly, the 1987 changes to the machinery of government both formalised and enabled a sea‐change in PM&C's role. Before 1987 a large policy initiation and development project would usually have been considered as beyond PM&C's scope. Since then, extensive and direct policy development work by PM&C has become common. The continuing debates have been over whether PM&C actually delivers in these roles (an empirical question) and how far it should play them (a normative issue). In this article we itemise the capacity, both continuing and developing, which PM&C has to support policy development. Traditional coordination mechanisms are an important part of this armoury and PM&C has long experience of most of them. However policy initiation and development calls for other tools which PM&C has had to develop over the past few decades. There is scope for conflict between the coordination and initiation/development roles. Understanding how a central agency like PM&C carries out each of them and balances the two can potentially contribute to debates on organisational design. We also address the normative issue: whether the growth of prime ministerial impact is a result of an increase in public service support or a cause of its increase ( Walter and Strangio 2007 ) and whether it should be restrained. We accept that the new developments give prime ministers the capacity to oversee policy arenas where once they could not, but regard this as a consequence as much of demand from above as of ambition within the department.  相似文献   
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Juvenile probation work comprises a mixture of repressive and empowering strategies, since probation officers need to control young offenders' conduct and at the same time help the offender to take responsibility and live life within the margins of society. This ambiguous nature of juvenile probation work may confuse the communication between probation officers and juveniles. Interviews with offenders of Moroccan origin and their probation officers in the Netherlands show that both parties are unhappy with the mutual communication. According to the youngsters, a restrictive policy is inevitable but might be more effective if this would go together with an empowering approach. Interactional analysis of the conversations shows that the lack of juvenile participation is caused by professional conversational dominance, as seen in topic control, poor role clarification, and a cross-examining style of the conversations.  相似文献   
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Between 1977 and 1982, the Australian Government resettled over 54,000 Vietnamese refugees. It also admitted 2,059 Vietnamese asylum seekers who arrived by boat without state authorisation. Although the number of Vietnamese asylum seekers was significantly smaller than the number of Vietnamese refugees processed offshore in refugee camps, the unexpected arrival of these boat people stimulated debate in Parliament and in the press about an appropriate response. This article examines the language politicians used to describe Vietnamese asylum seekers and the arguments used to justify their inclusion or exclusion. The evidence demonstrates that the political rhetoric used in this period in Australia's immigration history cannot be solely categorised as inclusive or humane. Rather, the overall impression is one of resistance and pragmatism.  相似文献   
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Recent federal reports, the projected "new" federalism, research in financial and economic trends, and the emerging consensus concerning local government distress have highlighted the fact that no comprehensive or systematic federal, state, or local policies exist to deal with the problems that have been identified. The purpose of this article is to perform a statebased study of financial patterns and trends in local governments that have implications for state policy. Included in the analysis were correlations between constant dollar financial indicators and an instability index for four data points. The results of the analysis and trends suggest that certain consistent patterns which have implications for state policy exist.  相似文献   
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Book reviews     
Jonathan Michie and John Grieve Smith (eds), Managing the Global Economy, (Oxford University Press, Oxford 1995). 343pp. ISBN 0–19–828968–5 (pb).

Hilary Rose, Love, power and knowledge: towards a feminist transformation of the sciences, (Polity Press, Cambridge 1994). 336pp. ISBN 0–7456–1001–3 (pb).

Daniele Archibugi and David Held (eds), Cosmopolitan Democracy, (Polity Press, Cambridge 1995). 190pp. ISBN 0–7456–1380–2, 0–7456–1381 0 (pb).

Olivier Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, (I B Tauris, London 1994). 224 pp. ISBN 1–85043–880–3.

T. Gallagher, Romania After Ceausescu, (Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh 1995). 276pp. ISBN 0 7486 0613 0 (pb).

John Gray, Beyond the New Right: Markets, Government and the Common Environment, (Routledge, London and New York 1993). 195pp. ISBN 0–145–09297–3 9, 0–145–10706–7 (pb).

Anthony Giddens, Beyond Left and Right: the Future of Radical Politics, (Polity Press, Cambridge 1994). 276pp. ISBN 0–7456–1438–8, 0–7456–1439–6 (pb).

Nicola Field, Over the Rainbow: Money, Class and Homophobia, (Pluto, London 1995). 193pp. ISBN 0–7453–0825–2.

Red‐Green Study Group, What on earth is to be done? A red‐green dialogue, (Red‐Green Study Group, Manchester 1995). x+69pp. ISBN 0–9525784–0–9.

Darrow Schecter, Radical theories: Paths beyond Marxism and social democracy, (Manchester University Press, Manchester and New York 1994). x+205pp. ISBN 0–7190–4385–9.  相似文献   

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