Journal of Experimental Criminology - Examine how the amount and makeup of police-initiated activities changed after the introduction of body-worn cameras (BWCs). From May 21 to November 22, 2016,... 相似文献
Young adulthood represents a developmental period with disproportionately heightened risk of losing a job. Young adult unemployment has been linked to increased mental health problems, at least in the short term. However, their possible long-term impacts, often referred as “scarring effects,” have been understudied, possibly underestimating the magnitude of mental health burden that young adult unemployment generates. This longitudinal study examined whether duration of unemployment during young adulthood is associated with later mental health disorders, after accounting for mental and behavioral health problems in childhood. Furthermore, the current study investigated whether childhood neighborhood characteristics affect this association and if so, in what specific functional ways. Data were drawn from a longitudinal study of developmental outcomes in a community sample in Seattle. Data collection began in 1985 when study participants were elementary students and involved yearly assessments in childhood and adolescence (ages 10–16) and then biennial or triennial assessments (ages 18–39; N?=?677 at age 39; 47% European American, 26% African American, 22% Asian American, and 5% Native American; 49% female). The current study findings suggest that duration of unemployment across young adulthood increased mental health problems at age 39, regardless of gender. Childhood neighborhood characteristics, particularly their positive aspect, exerted independent impacts on adult mental health problems beyond unemployment experiences across young adulthood. The current findings indicate a needed shift in service profiles for unemployed young adults—a comprehensive approach that not only facilitates reemployment but also addresses mental health needs to help them to cope with job loss. Further, the present study findings suggest that childhood neighborhoods, particularly positive features such as positive neighborhood involvement, may represent concrete and malleable prevention targets that can curb mental health problems early in life.
Whom do ordinary Syrians support in their civil war? After decades of repression, the Syrian uprising unleashed an outpouring of political expression. Yet the study of Syrian public opinion is in its infancy. This article presents survey evidence from a large, diverse sample of Syrian refugees in neighbouring Lebanon, one of the first of its kind, and examines their support for the different factions fighting in the civil war. In so doing, it demonstrates that many conventional narratives of the conflict are oversimplifications of a more complex reality. The survey shows that the majority of Syrian refugees support one faction or another of the opposition, but a large minority sympathizes with the government. In line with existing accounts of the war, the government draws its popular support base from wealthier and less religious Syrians, as well as minorities. Nonetheless, large numbers of Sunni Arabs also side with the government, belying sectarian narratives of the war. The survey also finds that supporters of the opposition Islamists and non-Islamists are similar in many regards, including religiosity. The main distinction is that the non-Islamist support base is far more politically attentive than are Islamist sympathizers, in contrast to existing narratives of the war. 相似文献
This study documents state implementation of mechanisms designed to promote public participation in agency rulemaking. Many scholars have questioned the effectiveness of such mechanisms, arguing that they fail to encourage greater participation or that increased participation does not affect the substance of administrative rules. Using data from a unique survey of state administrators, the author employs multivariate analyses to assess the relationship between these measures and the perceived influence of external actors. The results suggest that critics may understate the importance of public notification and access procedures. These devices are associated with increases in the impact that a wide variety of actors are perceived to have on the content of agency rules. 相似文献
The idea of radically extending average human life expectancy is an ancient one, but for most of human history exceedingly
utopian. There is now, however, a revival of that idea, with some scientists and others arguing that it is possible and desirable.
But the main problem with most of the life extension enthusiasm is that it is based almost entirely on the desire of some
individuals to make it happen. The social consequences of success of such a venture are, however, either ignored altogether
or dismissed on the grounds that any problems can be dealt with. In the end, none of our present human and social problems
would be helped by radically longer lives and no obvious social benefits have been advanced to support it.
Little has been done to quantitatively establish the connection between the middle class and a specific regime type. In an
effort to fill in the gap, this study uses Asian Barometer survey dataset to examine the attitudes and orientation of China’s
rising middle class. We find that the Chinese middle class does show higher democratic orientation than those we categorize
as lower class, but only if class is defined by occupation or by self-identification, and not by income level. We interpret
this result to mean that economic development offers new life experiences with the creation of new types of professions and
enhances people’s agreement with modern democratic values by arousing people’s consciousness of their new social class status.
Min TangEmail:
Min Tang
is doctoral candidate of political science at Purdue University. His research interest is in democratization, Asian political
economy, and Chinese politics. His recent publications appear in Democratization (15:1, 2008) and African and Asian Studies (7:2, 2008).
Dwayne Woods
is associate professor of Political Science at Purdue University. His research interest includes democratization, geography
and economic development. His recent work can be found in African and Asian Studies (7:2, 2008) and Commonwealth & Comparative Politics (45:2, 2007).
Jujun Zhao
is PhD student of public administration at Nankai University. His research focuses on local government, public finance, and
Chinese politics. 相似文献
In recent years, dozens of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) across the globe have begun to advocate for
economic and social rights, which represents a significant expansion of the human rights movement. This article investigates
a central strategy that NGOs have pursued to realize these rights: legalization. Legalization involves specifying rights as
valid legal rules and enforcing them through judicial or quasi-judicial processes. After documenting some of the progress
made toward legalization, the article analyzes five unique challenges involved in legalizing economic and social rights. It
is important to identify these challenges because they must be overcome if the human rights movement wishes to refute the
notion that economic and social rights are inherently non-justiciable (and therefore, to some, invalid as rights). These challenges also point to the possibility that legalization is not the only, or even the best, strategic pathway to
realize economic and social rights effectively.