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61.
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Henry J. Frundt 《拉美政治与社会》2010,52(3):99-129
What is required for sustaining an alliance between union and environmental activists? Applying grounded theory to a case study in the Costa Rican banana sector, this article reveals five historical phases. First, unions and environmentalists identify common opportunity structures for joint action. Second, a preexisting network becomes a resource for mobilization. Third, the new coalition engages in communicative action that leads to shared identity and cultural framing and a foundation for handling exogenous global forces. Market policy changes in the fourth phase stimulate a transnational activist network and framing linkages. Dramatic supply disruptions in the fifth precipitate autonomous organizational approaches that require reframing, identity extension, and flexibility. This study argues that the Costa Rican case can be generalized to other labor‐environmental coalitions if such alliances create simple, open structures that agilely adapt to external opportunity structures and expand frames that encourage collaborative autonomy and dualistic collective definitions. 相似文献
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Daniel Smilov 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):67-77
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It
is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination
and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption
discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to
the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption
bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for
a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem
in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political
forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort. 相似文献
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Daniel Lockwood 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1991,15(2):134-152
This paper discusses empirical findings and theories about prison higher education and recidivism. The research designs of
available evaluations of prison higher education are discussed. Their results in regard to arrest and return to prison after
release are presented in tables and figures. Both opportunity theory and moral development theory have been used to justify
such prison programs as crime prevention measures. A critical examination of the actual findings of the evaluations carried
out up to now suggests that prison higher education may have had only a slight impact on recidivism. One could, therefore,
doubt the value of opportunity theory and moral development theory to justify prison higher education as a crime control measure.
However, the methods used in the evaluations of this program have been generally weak. Thus, there is a continuing need to
carry out well-designed research on this question. The findings of follow-up studies of prison higher education have significance
for issues of correctional education policy as well as criminological theory. 相似文献
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