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911.
Sandra M. Stith Narkia M. Green Douglas B. Smith David B. Ward 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(3):149-160
A meta-analysis investigating the relationship between marital satisfaction/discord and intimate partner violence (IPV) in
heterosexual relationships was conducted with 32 articles. Overall, a small-to-moderate effect size (r = −0.27) indicated a significant and negative relationship existed between marital satisfaction/discord and IPV. Moderator
analyses found no differences between effect size based on construct examined (discord or satisfaction). However, the magnitudes
of observed effect sizes were influenced by other moderator variables, including the use of standardized versus non-standardized
measures, gender of the offender and victim, role in the violence (perpetrator versus victim), and sample type (clinical versus
community). The data suggests that gender is an especially important moderator variable in understanding the relationship
between marital satisfaction/discord and IPV. 相似文献
912.
Zusammenfassung Um ihr Klimapaket und die damit verbundenen Ziele im Bereich der erneuerbaren Energien umzusetzen,
hat die Europ?ische Kommission eine Richtlinie zur F?rderung der Nutzung von Energie aus erneuerbaren
Quellen vorgeschlagen. Um den Richtlinienentwurf rankt sich – auch noch zur Zeit – eine breite
noch nicht abgeschlossene Diskussion, in deren Rahmen unter anderem Bedenken gegen die F?rderung von
Energiepflanzen, die als nachhaltig deklariert wird, ge?u?ert werden, da blühende Kulturlandschaften
dadurch verschandelt werden. Der Beitrag besch?ftigt sich mit der politischen und rechtlichen Diskussion
des Richtlinien-Entwurfs. 相似文献
913.
Peter A. Lawler 《Society》2010,47(5):419-423
Celebrity, being often unearned and ephemeral, is the lowest form of fame. Nevertheless, it’s a real and fascinating display
of personal significance in our time. Celebrities are, of course, questionable role models, but characters of strange and
singular greatness such as Elvis and Michael Jackson, everyone knows, aren’t really to be imitated. Celebrities, although
they often have interesting political and spiritual opinions, are easily distinguished from political leaders. Celebrity,
I show, is more a downside than not of democracy. 相似文献
914.
Peter I. Rose 《Society》2010,47(6):529-533
915.
916.
917.
Barbara Köllensperger 《Juristische Bl?tter》2008,130(4):205-229
Die übereinstimmung zwischen Grundbuch, Kataster und Realit?t liegt im Schnittpunkt zwischen Gesetzgebung und ?konomie im
?ffentlichen Interesse. Im LiegTeilG, sohin an unvermuteter Stelle, ist ein Verfahren zur amtswegigen Verwirklichung dieses
Kongruenzprinzips normiert, dessen prozessuales Instrumentarium durch auch jüngste Gesetzgebungsakte direkt und indirekt deformiert
worden ist. Diese Abhandlung untersucht, ob die ursprünglich verfolgten gesetzgeberischen Intentionen zur Herstellung der
Grundbuchsordnung auf der geltenden Rechtslage im judikativen Weg gem §§ 6 f ABGB revitalisierbar sind oder ob es zu deren
Reanimation eines legistischen Eingriffs bedarf. 相似文献
918.
Iain Brassington 《Law and Philosophy》2008,27(5):415-444
Motivated by Lord Joffe’s Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, but with one eye on any possible future legislation,
I consider the justifications that might be offered for limiting assistance in dying to those who are suffering unbearably
from terminal illness. I argue that the terminal illness criterion and the unbearable suffering criterion are not morally
defensible separately: that a person need be neither terminally ill (or ill at all), nor suffering unbearably (or suffering
at all) to have a right to assisted dying. Indeed: I shall suggest that the unbearable suffering criterion undermines the
Bill (or any proposal like it) wholesale. On the other hand, the criteria taken together are defensible, and this defence
would be built on a concern for the protection of the vulnerable. However, I also claim that this implies that the law might
justifiably—and maybe even properly—aim to prevent a person from gaining access to that to which they have a serious moral
right. This seems paradoxical, and, towards the end of the paper, I seek to tease apart the paradox. 相似文献
919.
920.
Daniel Sage 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(1):99-106
Labour's 2017 general election manifesto contained a pledge to ‘end the punitive sanctions regime’ in the British welfare state. Whilst the specific implications of this pledge were not elaborated, such a policy would nevertheless constitute a profound break with a welfare consensus spanning over twenty years. The depth of the suggested changes on welfare are also evident in the scale of reform proposed to disability benefits, as well as plans—confirmed in August 2018 by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—to pilot universal basic income. Collectively, these policies would seemingly be deeply at odds with public opinion on the benefits system, which over the course of the last two decades has significantly hardened. Yet despite the seemingly radical and controversial nature of the policy, it received very little media or public attention during the election campaign. This article explores Labour's ‘quiet revolution’ on welfare, examining whether Labour's new welfare approach is indeed a bold attempt to reshape public opinion on welfare or, alternatively, a mostly pragmatic reaction to changing social attitudes. The argument presented is that whilst there are persuasive explanations that Labour is responding to a change in the public mood, there is also evidence of a more ambitious goal at stake: the aim of reshaping, not simply responding to, public opinion on the welfare state. 相似文献