Celebrity Studies Today

Celebrity, being often unearned and ephemeral, is the lowest form of fame. Nevertheless, it’s a real and fascinating display of personal significance in our time. Celebrities are, of course, questionable role models, but characters of strange and singular greatness such as Elvis and Michael Jackson, everyone knows, aren’t really to be imitated. Celebrities, although they often have interesting political and spiritual opinions, are easily distinguished from political leaders. Celebrity, I show, is more a downside than not of democracy.     

Zum grundbücherlichen Richtigkeitsgebot und seiner amtswegigen Verwirklichung (§ 28 LiegTeilG) (1. Teil)

Die übereinstimmung zwischen Grundbuch, Kataster und Realit?t liegt im Schnittpunkt zwischen Gesetzgebung und ?konomie im ?ffentlichen Interesse. Im LiegTeilG, sohin an unvermuteter Stelle, ist ein Verfahren zur amtswegigen Verwirklichung dieses Kongruenzprinzips normiert, dessen prozessuales Instrumentarium durch auch jüngste Gesetzgebungsakte direkt und indirekt deformiert worden ist. Diese Abhandlung untersucht, ob die ursprünglich verfolgten gesetzgeberischen Intentionen zur Herstellung der Grundbuchsordnung auf der geltenden Rechtslage im judikativen Weg gem §§ 6 f ABGB revitalisierbar sind oder ob es zu deren Reanimation eines legistischen Eingriffs bedarf.     

Five Words for Assisted Dying

Motivated by Lord Joffe’s Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, but with one eye on any possible future legislation, I consider the justifications that might be offered for limiting assistance in dying to those who are suffering unbearably from terminal illness. I argue that the terminal illness criterion and the unbearable suffering criterion are not morally defensible separately: that a person need be neither terminally ill (or ill at all), nor suffering unbearably (or suffering at all) to have a right to assisted dying. Indeed: I shall suggest that the unbearable suffering criterion undermines the Bill (or any proposal like it) wholesale. On the other hand, the criteria taken together are defensible, and this defence would be built on a concern for the protection of the vulnerable. However, I also claim that this implies that the law might justifiably—and maybe even properly—aim to prevent a person from gaining access to that to which they have a serious moral right. This seems paradoxical, and, towards the end of the paper, I seek to tease apart the paradox.     

The Quiet Revolution? The Labour Party and Welfare Conditionality

Labour's 2017 general election manifesto contained a pledge to ‘end the punitive sanctions regime’ in the British welfare state. Whilst the specific implications of this pledge were not elaborated, such a policy would nevertheless constitute a profound break with a welfare consensus spanning over twenty years. The depth of the suggested changes on welfare are also evident in the scale of reform proposed to disability benefits, as well as plans—confirmed in August 2018 by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—to pilot universal basic income. Collectively, these policies would seemingly be deeply at odds with public opinion on the benefits system, which over the course of the last two decades has significantly hardened. Yet despite the seemingly radical and controversial nature of the policy, it received very little media or public attention during the election campaign. This article explores Labour's ‘quiet revolution’ on welfare, examining whether Labour's new welfare approach is indeed a bold attempt to reshape public opinion on welfare or, alternatively, a mostly pragmatic reaction to changing social attitudes. The argument presented is that whilst there are persuasive explanations that Labour is responding to a change in the public mood, there is also evidence of a more ambitious goal at stake: the aim of reshaping, not simply responding to, public opinion on the welfare state.     

What do judges say on the protection of intelligence secrets?

This article discusses the role of the discourse of law in legitimizing the protection of intelligence secrets. It draws on examples from the United Kingdom and the United States to illustrate rhetorical regularities with respect to the need to protect intelligence officers, agents, sources and methods, the effectiveness of intelligence agencies, international intelligence relationships and the effects of a mosaic of disclosed information. It concludes that judges produce specialized knowledge on state secrecy that plays a part in shaping the understanding of state secrecy in society.     

Norms versus Action: Why Voters Fail to Sanction Malfeasance in Brazil

We show that Brazilian voters strongly sanction malfeasant mayors when presented with hypothetical scenarios but take no action when given the same information about their own mayor. Partnering with the State Accounts Court of Pernambuco, we conducted a field experiment during the 2016 municipal elections in which the treatment group received information about official wrongdoing by their mayor. The treatment has no effect on self‐reported voting behavior after the election, yet when informing about malfeasance in the context of a vignette experiment, we are able to replicate the strong negative effect found in prior studies. We argue that voters' behavior in the abstract reflects the comparatively strong norm against corruption in Brazil. Yet on Election Day, their behavior is constrained by factors such as attitudes toward local political dynasties and the greater salience of more pressing concerns like employment and health services.