Mass media is critical for the functioning of every contemporary political system. Thus, we can expect a variation in media freedom depending on the type of government since political regimes differ with regard to the political, legal and economic framework in which news coverage operates. This article investigates the effects of regime types, namely democracy and autocratic subtypes, on media freedom. It is argued that regime legitimation and governance are the driving forces behind diverging media policies in autocracies. From this theory, hypotheses regarding media freedom and regime type are derived and tested empirically, relying on statistical analyses that cover 149 countries over a period from 1993 to 2010. The empirical results demonstrate that democracies lead to significantly higher levels of media freedom than autocracies, with other things being equal. Within the autocratic spectrum, electoral autocracies, monarchies and military regimes have the freest media, whereas the most illiberal media can be found in communist ideocracies, where the ruling party holds a communication monopoly. Media freedom in personalist and non-ideological one-party regimes is on an intermediate level. 相似文献
Abstract The Sociomoral Reflection Measure—Short Form Objective (SRM-SFO), with additional items related to sexual moral issues, was applied to an incarcerated sexually abusive juvenile population. Sexually abusive youths were expected to show a lower level of moral development related to sexual issues when compared to non-offending youths, but not for non-sexual issues. The sample consisted of 24 incarcerated sexually abusive male youths and 24 non-offending male youths. Results indicated that sexually abusive youths used more pre-conventional reasoning related to sexual issues when compared to controls. No differences were found in conventional reasoning on sexual issues and non-sexual issues. In addition, no differences were found in pre-conventional reasoning on non-sexual issues, thus partly confirming the main hypothesis. It was concluded that the original form of the SRM-SFO could not assess existing moral development delays in sexually abusive youths, but can with appropriate adjustments. Additionally, the results suggest that moral development is rather flexible in relation to moral value domains. 相似文献
AbstractThe purpose of this study was to test whether attachment styles change over the course of a sex offender-specific treatment programme for incarcerated adult male sex offenders. To measure attachment styles, 44 male sex offenders (treatment n = 26, waitlist n = 18) completed the Relationship Scales Questionnaire (RSQ) and the Adult Attachment Scale (AAS). The results indicated that treatment participants showed significant decreases in levels of anxious attachment measures from pre- to post-test. Furthermore, the results from the RSQ 2-factor showed that participants in the treatment group demonstrated a significant decrease in avoidant attachment levels at post-test compared to the waitlist group. The results from the AAS showed that participants in the treatment group demonstrated a significant decrease in dependent attachment levels at post-test compared to the waitlist group. Implications of results are discussed. 相似文献
In May 2013, a report on the British Security Service (MI5) by Sir Samuel Findlater Stewart was released by the Cabinet Office. Dated November 1945, the report on the future organization and activities of MI5 was significant in that it defined the Service's post-war remit, accountability and relations with the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), laying the groundwork of MI5's mandate until the introduction of the Security Service Act in 1989. The article also suggests that the report is significant, not just because it sheds important light on MI5's wartime and post-war role, but because it helps question existing assumptions about the relationship between the Security Service and the post-war Labour Government of Clement Attlee, often viewed as a troubled one. 相似文献
A large literature shows that citizens care about the procedural fairness of rules and institutions. This body of work suggests that citizen evaluations of institutional changes should be constrained by fairness considerations, even if they would personally benefit from the reforms. We test this expectation using two panel studies to examine whether citizens become more accepting of proposals rated as unfair (in wave one) after we experimentally manipulate (in wave two) whether the proposals aid their party’s electoral prospects. Using this approach, we are able to establish what citizens see to be fair or unfair separate from their evaluation of a given rule change. We find that supporters of both parties are consistently more favorable toward reforms their fellow partisans and, crucially, they themselves, claim reduce electoral fairness when framed as advancing their partisan interests. The results provide important insights into how citizens evaluate electoral processes, procedural fairness, and, hence, the acceptable limits of institutional change.
Journal of Family Violence - During the COVID-19 pandemic, reports to child abuse and neglect hotlines have dropped significantly across the United States. Yet, during this same period, calls to... 相似文献