A transnational political culture? The Alpine region and its relationship to European integration

This article deals with the political culture of the Alpine region, its expression in the strategies of regionalist and populist parties, and how this affects the relationship to European integration. The Alpine culture is a specific set of attitudes and values overlapping with religious, rural–urban and centre–periphery (ethno-linguistic) dimensions. These cultural elements are expressed in similar ways across national borders and are most visible in the Lega Nord in Italy, the Christlich-Soziale Union in Bavaria, the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs in Austria, and the Schweizerische Volkspartei in Switzerland. The Alpine political culture includes strong anti-modern features, emphasises issues such as ‘nature’ and Heimat in the political discourse, and incorporates religious and traditional attitudes. This type of political culture is particularly relevant as it may represent a crucial dimension in the emerging European-wide party system, presenting an alternative ‘image of Europe’ and European integration.     

The Formation of National Party Systems in Europe: A Comparative-Historical Analysis

Using a large wealth of newly collected and unexplored data on single constituencies in 17 European countries, this comparative and long-term analysis describes the territoriality of electoral participation and vote for political parties, as well as their evolution since the mid- nineteenth century until the present day from highly territorialized politics to nationwide functional alignments. The article provides an empirical analysis through time, across countries and between party families. Through the inclusion of all the most important social and political cleavages (class, state–church, rural–urban, ethno-linguistic, and religious) the analysis assesses the homogenizing impact of the left–right dimension that emerged from the National and Industrial Revolutions, and the resistance of pre-industrial cultural and centre–periphery factors to national integration.     

羊水栓塞

羊水栓塞(AmnioticFiuidEmbolism,AFE)是一种少见而严重的产科并发症。70%发生于胎儿娩出之前。另外30%发生于胎儿娩出之后,其中69%发生于胎儿娩出后5min内[1]。因起病急、病情凶险,死亡率高,往往造成死者家属对医疗工作的误解而产生医疗纠纷。正确地诊断AFE是解决这种医疗纠纷的关键。1　发病率及死亡率　　AFE的发病率及死亡率,国内外文献报道出入较大。前者为1/1000～1/80000[2];后者为41%～86%,其中25%～50%在明确诊断之后1h内死亡。抢救存活的孕妇有一部分留有神经损伤后遗症[3]。究其原因,主要是目前病因不清楚、诊断标准不一和…     

Cross-ideological discussions among conservative and liberal bloggers

With the increasing spread of information technologies and their potential to filter content, some have argued that people will abandon the reading of dissenting political opinions in favor of material that is closely aligned with their own ideological position. We test this theory empirically by analyzing—both quantitatively and qualitatively—Web links among the writings of top conservative and liberal bloggers. Given our use of novel methods, we discuss in detail our sampling and data collection methodologies. We find that widely read political bloggers are much more likely to link to others who share their political views. However, we find no increase in this pattern over time. We also analyze the content of the links and find that while many of the links are based on straw-man arguments, bloggers across the political spectrum also address each others’ writing substantively, both in agreement and disagreement.     

‘No regionalism please,we are Leghisti !’ The transformation of the Italian Lega Nord under the leadership of Matteo Salvini

Whilst the Lega Nord has traditionally been defined as a regionalist populist party, since Matteo Salvini became its leader in 2013 it has undergone a process of profound ideological transformation. This article assesses this momentous change and the impact it could have on the future of the Lega, drawing on a content analysis of Salvini’s and the party’s Facebook posts, as well as interviews with regional leaders. It argues that, under Salvini’s personal style of leadership: (a) regionalism has been replaced by an empty form of nativist nationalism, which fails to address socio-economic issues related to the North–South divide; (b) populism remains central to the party’s strategic communication, but the EU has taken Rome’s place as the people’s ‘enemy’; (c) this ideological shift has paid-off at the 2018 general election, but is underpinned by latent fractures between the leader and regional representatives which could have profound implications in the future.     

The Applicability of the Lamendin Method to Skeletal Remains Buried for a 16-Year Period: A Cautionary Note

The Lamendin method is widely reported as one of the most reliable means of age estimation of skeletal remains, but very little is known concerning the influence of burial in soil. This study aimed at verifying the reliability of the Lamendin method on corpses buried for 16 years in a cemetery. The Lamendin and the Prince and Ubelaker methods were applied. In all age groups except the 40- to 49-year–olds, the error was higher in the buried sample. The age-at-death error ranged between 10.7 and 36.8 years for the Lamendin method (vs. the reported 7.3–18.9 years) and 9.5 and 35.7 for the Prince and Ubelaker one (vs. the original 5.2–32.6 years); in all age groups, the error is closer to that found on archeological populations. These results suggest caution in applying the Lamendin method to forensic cases of human remains buried even for a brief period under soil.     

National past and populism: the re-elaboration of fascism and its impact on right-wing populism in Western Europe

Abstract

The electoral performance of right-wing populism depends on the type of re-elaboration of countries’ national past and their collective memories. Complementing socio-economic and political-institutional factors, the article analyses cultural opportunity structures. Given the link between fascist and populist visions of power, it shows that different collective memories of the fascist past and World War II open up or close down the space for right-wing populist parties. Theoretically, the typology includes four types of re-elaboration: culpabilisation, victimisation, heroisation and cancellation. Results of a comparative analysis of eight West European countries based on a novel measurement method point to (1) culpabilisation and heroisation as types of re-elaboration limiting right-wing populist parties’ electoral performance, (2) cancellation as a type having an undetermined effect, and (3) victimisation as a type triggering the success of right-wing populist parties.