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ABSTRACTIn December 2014, the International Olympic Committee [IOC] granted full membership to Kosovo. For the young state, which had declared its independence only in 2008, this decision meant that it could take part in the upcoming 2016 Summer Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro. This analysis illustrates the significance of Kosovo’s full IOC membership. Arguing that IOC membership can be identified as both the “end” and “beginning” of Kosovo’s diplomatic endeavour towards international recognition, the role of sport within this process is illuminated. It mirrors the strategic value of representative sport for a nation-building process as well as its particular significance for public diplomacy in Kosovo. Kosovar political elites shifted their focus towards sport because “traditional” diplomatic efforts, despite being successful to a certain extent, could not break the seemingly cemented status quo considering its United Nations [UN] status. Inclusion in the “Olympic family” represents more than just a symbolic victory for Kosovar diplomacy. The Kosovar nation-building and -branding process, emblematised through the “soft power” of representative sport, could be increasingly used to create symbolic pressure on states that have not yet recognised Kosovo; its ultimate diplomatic goal remains to enter the UN, even if it has to be through “sport’s door.” 相似文献
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Weston J. Morrow Samuel G. Vickovic Lisa M. Dario Henry F. Fradella 《Criminal Justice Studies》2016,29(4):378-396
School shootings are not a new phenomenon in the United States or internationally. In comparison to other acts of violence experienced by youth, such tragedies are uncommon but garner extensive media attention. The Columbine High School shooting received more attention across a broader range of issues than any other school shooting, with only the Sandy Hook tragedy rivaling it for media attention. In the aftermath of the Columbine shooting, public sentiment regarding violence in schools became a central point of contention that bred fear and panic. Given the embeddedness of judges within the larger community context and the effects of community characteristics on sentencing outcomes, we wondered if the Columbine shooting – via moral panic and community upheaval – might have had an impact on judges imposing criminal sentences. To assess the effect of the Columbine shooting on judicial decision-making outcomes, the current study uses United States Sentencing Commission data from 1998 through 2001. In doing so, it contributes to the extant literature concerning the embeddedness of judges within communities and answers recent call for more research on the temporal context of sentencing disparities. 相似文献
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Benedetta Trivellato Laura Mariani Mattia Martini Dario Cavenago 《Public administration》2019,97(2):311-324
The literature on public value creation has grown significantly in recent years. However, how such generation of public value is linked to the interaction between individual and organizational capabilities, and the role played by leadership in such interaction, is still underexplored. This analysis of the congestion charge zone (Area C) implemented by the Municipality of Milan in Italy explores this issue and highlights the role played by the knowledge orchestrator who, by assuming different leadership roles at different times, strives to create value through knowledge mobilization. Leveraging from existing resources, the knowledge orchestrator captures knowledge from the external environment and promotes collaboration among individuals and institutions, so as to generate a new reconfigured stock of knowledge. These activities nurture the capacity of public organizations to collaborate, produce innovations, and more broadly contribute to public value creation. 相似文献
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Dario Padovan 《Democracy & Nature》2003,9(3):473-494
Absract The categories of biopolitics and biopower were invented by Michel Foucault, who wanted to underline a shifting in state political power toward the caring of biological life of the entire social body. This transformation of political power allowed a combination of techniques that aimed to control the individual body and the standardised multitude of bodies. This paper analyses the biopolitical mechanisms and how did they work during the era of totalitarian states, and how do they act today. During the totalitarian era, biopolitics became a tool of surveillance and regulation of the social body, shifting toward racism. During the second half of the 20th century, biopolitics sought to minimise social risks. Criminal and underclass policies, as well as new genetics, are all aspects of the new authoritarian biopolitics. Far from being a neutral tool to improve people's well being, the spectre of eugenics casts a shadow over the new biopolitics. 相似文献
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Changing Representations of the Criminal 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
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The conflicting interests that underlie globalization can be difficult to grasp in a traditional classroom setting. The simulation presented here challenges students to examine the many different actors operating in the international system today. The focus is the Chad–Cameroon oil pipeline—a landmark example of cooperation and conflict between international institutions, non-governmental organizations and business interests. Given a scenario, students assume these roles and negotiate for the continued success of the pipeline. All the materials to run this exercise are included and if utilized, can provide a positive active learning experience. 相似文献
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Purpose. Line‐up administrators’ expectations have been shown to influence eyewitnesses’ identification decisions. Expectations may also influence administrators’ willingness to record witnesses’ decisions as positive identifications. Methods. Single‐ and double‐blind participant administrators presented a line‐up to a confederate witness, who identified either the suspect or a filler. Results. A hierarchical log‐linear analysis revealed an interaction effect of blindness and witness choice on participants’ recording of the identification: Single‐blind administrators were more likely to record the confederate's choice as a positive identification when the witness chose the suspect (vs. a filler), whereas double‐blind administrators’ records were not influenced by the witness's choice. An interaction between blindness and witness choice also emerged for participant administrators’ witness evaluations. Single‐blind administrators rated confederates who chose a filler as significantly less credible than those who chose a suspect; double‐blind administrators’ ratings were consistent across photo selection. Conclusions. Blindness influenced line‐up administrators’ record of line‐up outcomes. These results add to the growing body of research supporting the use of double‐blind line‐up administration. 相似文献
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Dario Martinelli 《社会征候学》2013,23(1):79-99
How thick is the line that separates a huge, decorated-yet-intact boar served in a fancy restaurant, and an anonymous plastic-packaged cut-in-pieces chicken breast in a supermarket? They might look like two aesthetically and culturally opposite extremes in one sense; and like two forms of perception and display of one single thing, the product animal, on the other. What, if any, are the common denominators between these two (and of course many other) instances of the human–animal relationship? The present article shall attempt to explore the idea of otherness as applied to the human–other animal relationship, to introduce the concept and distinguish different typologies of anthropocentrism, and to classify the anthropocentric attitudes, in order to understand them as a social phenomenon and as the result of a semiotic process. For each attitude, a sort of schematic identity card will be proposed, with emphasis on origins and prototypes, plus some practical examples. 相似文献