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151.
Raju Das 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):48-87
This paper considers two questions. First, what was the course of social differentiation in Aberdeenshire in the agricultural revolution? Second, why did peasants in the county survive the strong differentiating pressures of the mid‐nineteenth century? We find that as late as 1870 Aberdeenshire had only a semi‐proletariat; the agricultural working class was still rooted in the peasantry. The reasons for the failure to complete primitive accumulation are located in the concrete nature of capitalist agricultural production in nineteenth‐century Aberdeenshire. 相似文献
152.
Journal of Indian Philosophy - 相似文献
153.
Ann P. Bartel Maya Rossin‐Slater Christopher J. Ruhm Jenna Stearns Jane Waldfogel 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2018,37(1):10-37
Using difference‐in‐difference and difference‐in‐difference‐in‐difference designs, we study California's Paid Family Leave (CA‐PFL) program, the first source of government‐provided paid parental leave available to fathers in the Unites States. Relative to the pre‐treatment mean, fathers of infants in California are 46 percent more likely to be on leave when CA‐PFL is available. In households where both parents work, we find suggestive evidence that CA‐PFL increases both father‐only leave‐taking (i.e., father on leave while mother is at work) and joint leave‐taking (i.e., both parents on leave at the same time). Effects are larger for fathers of first‐born children than for fathers of later‐born children. 相似文献
154.
This article addresses the persistent claim that the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) has a negative impact on the availability of labour for agricultural operations, which has significant implications for the induced demand for child labour as a cheaper substitute for unskilled adult labour on agricultural farms in peak seasons. The study contributes to this debate by examining three issues: (i) effects of seasonality on child intensity of labour; (ii) impact of MGNREGS on child intensity of labour; and (iii) impact of seasonality and MGNREGS on human capital formation. 相似文献
155.
Maya Winfrey 《Women & Performance》2016,26(2-3):208-221
Using a dialogic format this conversation between two authors uses political theorist Paolo Virno's conception of the “multitude” to examine and compare two different arenas of black feminist protest that took place on social media in the latter half of 2013. As a performative article, it offers historical and theoretical background to the terms “multitude,” “public intellect,” and “virtuosic labor” in racialized capitalist formations, situating them to provide an alternative to the power of the State – an alternative that unlike the State does not claim to confer rights. The article looks at the Facebook response to a call from the Crunk Feminist Collective to white feminists to speak out on the verdict exonerating Trayvon Martin’s killer and offer counter images to those that describe Martin's killing as justified. It then looks at the public dialogue around the applicability of the term “feminism” to Beyoncé's self-titled “visual album.” Through aesthetic inquiry, the authors look at the form these examples of protest take to situate and propose the active viewing of these aesthetic forms by others on social media, as well as by the authors of this article, as a kind of virtuosic labor. The article concludes with a series of poems created using the “cut-up” technique designed to transmit feeling through subjective action and a task manifesto for white feminists to use as a guide. 相似文献
156.
In this paper, we evaluate the impact of associational life on individual political trust in 57 Swiss municipalities. Our hierarchical regression models show that individual political trust is not only affected by individual associational membership but also by the exchange between associations and local political authorities in a community. In other words, if political authorities and associations are linked at the community level, citizens will place more trust in their local institutions. Furthermore, we find clear evidence for the rainmaker hypothesis: our results show that the positive effect of a vibrant connection between associational life and local politics on political trust is not solely confined to the associational members themselves, but rather indicate that the structure of the local civic culture fosters political trust among members and non-members at the same time. However, the internal democratic processes of associations have no effect on individuals’ trust in local political institutions. 相似文献
157.
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159.
Maya Hertig Randall 《Frontiers of Law in China》2015,10(1):24
The political and the economic spheres increasingly overlap. Consumption is viewed not only as an economic act, but also as an act of political and moral significance. Due to the blurring of the commercial and the political spheres, consumers use their purchasing power as a carrot and a stick for corporations to comply with corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards. As a consequence, corporate communication strategies tend to highlight commitment to CSR standards, portraying companies as “good corporate citizens.” Conversely, other stakeholders expose unethical business practices so as to induce corporate change. Both sides tend to invoke freedom of expression with a view to opposing limitations on their communication strategies. Taking two well-known examples as a starting point, the present article explores the role of freedom of expression as a means to incite corporate actors to both adopt and comply with CSR standards from a comparative perspective. Using an economic framework, it argues that non-commercial expression critical of corporate practices deserves a higher level of protection than corporate communication strategies. 相似文献
160.
Azian Abd Latiff M.D. Ph.D. ; Srijit Das M.B.B.S. M.S. ; Faizah Bt Othman M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(2):506-506