全文获取类型
收费全文 | 14139篇 |
免费 | 231篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 625篇 |
工人农民 | 1232篇 |
世界政治 | 785篇 |
外交国际关系 | 716篇 |
法律 | 7091篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 51篇 |
政治理论 | 3795篇 |
综合类 | 74篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 41篇 |
2022年 | 28篇 |
2021年 | 56篇 |
2020年 | 107篇 |
2019年 | 155篇 |
2018年 | 1405篇 |
2017年 | 1362篇 |
2016年 | 1174篇 |
2015年 | 177篇 |
2014年 | 190篇 |
2013年 | 1048篇 |
2012年 | 346篇 |
2011年 | 1065篇 |
2010年 | 1156篇 |
2009年 | 734篇 |
2008年 | 877篇 |
2007年 | 885篇 |
2006年 | 193篇 |
2005年 | 283篇 |
2004年 | 390篇 |
2003年 | 347篇 |
2002年 | 255篇 |
2001年 | 122篇 |
2000年 | 122篇 |
1999年 | 98篇 |
1998年 | 100篇 |
1997年 | 104篇 |
1996年 | 109篇 |
1995年 | 119篇 |
1994年 | 118篇 |
1993年 | 79篇 |
1992年 | 87篇 |
1991年 | 92篇 |
1990年 | 62篇 |
1989年 | 65篇 |
1988年 | 66篇 |
1987年 | 67篇 |
1986年 | 69篇 |
1985年 | 63篇 |
1984年 | 61篇 |
1983年 | 70篇 |
1982年 | 53篇 |
1981年 | 56篇 |
1980年 | 38篇 |
1979年 | 41篇 |
1978年 | 39篇 |
1977年 | 43篇 |
1976年 | 32篇 |
1972年 | 15篇 |
1967年 | 15篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
81.
82.
Gerd Langguth 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(1):25-42
With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee
Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia
ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively
to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the
western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood
the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis
has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates.
While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently
confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially
conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian
societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue.
In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to
abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family
plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more
aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised
to continue the dialogue on values with Asia.
Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?”
I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article 相似文献
83.
Veto Players and Civil War Duration 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
David E. Cunningham 《American journal of political science》2006,50(4):875-892
Civil wars show a remarkable variation in how long they last. Some end within days; others continue for decades. What explains the extreme intractability of some wars while others are resolved quickly? This article argues that conflicts with multiple actors who must approve a settlement (veto players) are longer because there are fewer acceptable agreements, information asymmetries are more acute, and shifting alliances and incentives to hold out make negotiation more difficult. This veto player approach to explaining variation in civil war duration is tested using a new dataset containing monthly data on all parties to each civil war begun since World War II. The statistical analysis shows a strong correlation between the number of veto players and the duration of civil war. 相似文献
84.
Though many years in the making, the UN Human Rights Norms forCorporations only registered on the radars of most states, corporationsand civil society organisations in August 2003 when they beganto move up the ladder of the United Nation's policy-making processes.Since then they have been subject to intense, and sometimesintemperate, debate, scrutiny and controversy. A particularlegal feature of the deliberations has been the focus on theclosely related questions of the legal standing of the Normsin their present format (namely, an imperfect draft, and therefore,of no direct legal force), and what they might become (possiblythoughnot likely soona treaty that speaks to corporations butbinds states). A potent mix of distrust and suspicion, vestedinterests, politics and economics has given rise to a greatdeal of grand-standing and cant concerning these questions andhow they might be answered. In this article, the authors explorethe history of the Norms and the form and content of the debatethat surrounds them, in their attempt to disentangle the legalfrom the rest. That said, the article also focuses on the realpoliticking of the circumstances in which the Norms now findthemselves and it seeks to offer some guidance as to where theNormsor at least their substance, if not their formmightgo from here. 相似文献
85.
86.
Doris Layton MacKenzie David Bierie Ojmarrh Mitchell 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2007,3(3):221-246
Two hundred thirty four adult male inmates entering prison were randomly assigned to an early release program in either a correctional boot camp or a large, traditional prison in the Maryland state correctional system. Boot camp releasees had marginally lower recidivism compared to those released from the traditional prison. A pre-test, post-test self report survey indicated the boot camp program had little impact on criminogenic characteristics except for a lowering of self control. In contrast, inmates in prison became more antisocial, lower in self control, worse in anger management, and reported more criminal tendencies by the end of their time in prison. Criminogenic attitudes and impulses were significantly associated with recidivism. The impact of the boot camp diminished to non-significance when antisocial attitudes or anger management problems were added to the models predicting recidivism. Implications for jurisdictions considering whether to operate correctional boot camps are discussed. 相似文献
87.
Stephen Kershnar 《Law and Philosophy》2007,26(5):437-463
In two recent cases, Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306. (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244. (2003), the Supreme
Court held that the Equal Protection Clause permitted state schools to use race-sensitive admissions in order to obtain the
educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body. The diversity-based argument for race-sensitive admissions, scholarships,
awards, and other opportunities at universities should have been rejected because it does not consider the full range of costs
and benefits and because the more narrow educational effects probably weigh against such programs. However, this does not
suggest that applicants’ race, ethnicity, and gender should be ignored. Rather the same consideration that led to the defeat
of the diversity argument, i.e., reasoning capacity, supports the consideration of demographic factors. However, attention
to such factors further undermines the consequentialist case for affirmative action. 相似文献
88.
89.
In this paper we examine the legal aspects of corporate computer usage policies including their creation, management, and their relevance to corporate computer forensic investigations. Misuse of corporate computing facilities cannot only lead to a reduction in employee productivity and network bandwidth, but can also increase the risk of infection of such facilities by computer viruses and other malicious code. Moreover, it may lead to the risk of liability and legal action. 相似文献
90.
Wolfgang Durner 《Natur und Recht》2010,32(12):900-900