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981.
982.
W. Andrew TerrillAuthor Vitae 《Orbis》2014,58(3):429-440
For at least a decade, there have been numerous Yemeni, Saudi, and other countries’ assertions that Iran has been involved in supporting northern Yemeni rebels seeking autonomy from the Sana’a government. Iranian diplomatic and political support for this rebellious group (known as the Houthis) is undeniable, but Iranian military assistance for them has not always been easy to prove. This situation appeared to change in 2011 when Iran's increased involvement in Yemen occurred in response to both the chaotic situation there during the final year of the Saleh regime and the danger that the Arab Spring revolutions would leave Iran increasingly isolated. Evidence of Iranian efforts to supply weapons to the Houthis now seems overwhelming in contrast to uncertain reports prior to 2011. In addition, at least some of Yemen's southern secessionists also appear to be receiving at least limited Iranian financial support. 相似文献
983.
984.
985.
986.
987.
Frank Bovenkerk 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,55(4):259-260
Terrorist organizations, groups, cells or just ‘bunches of guys’ are systematically compared with other types of criminal
or deviant organizations: organized crime such as the mafia, street gangs and religious sects. Of course there are many differences
between them, especially where motivation is concerned, but they share the common factor that it is almost impossible or very
difficult for individual members to step out. However, de-radicalization may follow analogous paths: aging out, accepting
exit programs in prison or disengaging ideologically. The article discusses the obstacles that a government strategy that
encourages desistance from terrorism by stepping out may encounter. It may be sufficient and more realistic to discourage
radicals from using violence than to try to de-radicalize them by using counternarrative techniques. 相似文献
988.
Zaijun Yuan 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(4):389-405
In the Chinese political system, according to the constitution, the people’s congresses at the primary level are the only
institution which the voters can directly elect. However, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tightly controls the “direct elections”
and takes every measure in the elections to prevent grassroots power from entering even the primary-level people’s congresses.
In recent years, grassroots power has kept struggling for its legal rights in the “direct elections” held in a few localities.
The conflicts between the grassroots power and the authoritarian party in the “direct elections” have become an interesting
political phenomenon, a subject deserves close observation and research. This paper studies the background of the independent
candidates, their motivations and behaviour in elections. The paper also examines the party’s control in the elections and
thus exposes the true nature of China’s people’s congress “direct” elections. The paper argues that independent candidates
can have little impacts on China’s political structure at the current stage because of the party’s tight control, but their
political participation has the most democratic value, compared with the “reforms” instigated and carried out by the CCP. 相似文献
989.
990.
Lauren K. Hall 《Society》2011,48(4):316-322