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Deborah Roempke Graefe Daniel T. Lichter 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2008,27(3):479-497
The promotion of marriage and two‐parent families became an explicit public policy goal with the passage of the 1996 welfare reform bill. Marriage has the putative effect of reducing welfare dependency among single mothers, but only if they marry men with earnings sufficient to lift them and their children out of poverty. Newly released data from the 2002 cycle of the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG), along with data from the 1995 cycle, allow us to compare pre‐ and post‐PRWORA differences in (1) cumulative marriage rates among unwed mothers, and (2) patterns of marital choice (that is, differences in characteristics of the men these mothers marry, such as their education and employment status). Overall, our results show that unwed childbearing is associated with lower marriage rates and marital quality. Difference‐in‐difference models show that welfare reform was not strongly associated with pre‐ and post‐welfare reform changes in marriage among nonmarital birth mothers, even among the most disadvantaged mothers. Compared with other women, nonmarital birth mothers also were less likely than other women to marry “economically attractive” men in the post‐welfare reform period. The success of marriage promotion initiatives may depend heavily on whether women themselves are “marriageable” and whether potential spouses have the ability to support a stable family life. © 2008 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
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In this study, we examined the role of dispositional optimism in mediating distress among students who experienced traumatic
events, including child physical abuse, emotional abuse, and sexual abuse. Participants included 199 undergraduate and graduate
students (aged 18–63 years) from a private university in Oregon. In this study, dispositional optimism partially mediated
distress among individuals who had experienced child physical abuse and child emotional abuse; participants with higher levels
of optimism had lower levels of distress. In addition, dispositional optimism fully mediated distress among individuals who
had experienced traumatic events such as rape, assault, and fire; participants with higher levels of optimism had lower levels
of distress. Contrary to prediction, the experience of child sexual abuse was not associated with distress. Clinical implications
of these results are addressed. 相似文献
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Nathalie Greenan Joseph Lanfranchi Yannick L'Horty Mathieu Narcy Guillaume Piern 《Public administration review》2019,79(3):370-382
The representative bureaucracy literature provides a growing body of empirical evidence that a representative public workforce enhances the efficacy and legitimacy of public services. However, little attention has been paid to the capacity of civil service competitive examinations to give equal opportunity of access to public jobs to equally competent citizens. To fill this gap, the authors use French databases to analyze whether competitive examinations comprising both written and oral tests ensure equality of treatment for all candidates regardless of gender, place of residence, or place of birth. The results challenge the capacity of these examinations to treat candidates equally, identifying inequalities in the written tests as well as evaluation biases in the oral tests. However, oral evaluation biases tend to offset inequalities in the written tests. Therefore, selection boards take a sort of affirmative action toward the sole successful members of groups suffering such inequalities. 相似文献
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Martin Mathieu Nganmeni Zéphirin Piggins Ashley Tchouante Élise F. 《Public Choice》2022,190(3-4):301-316
Public Choice - Pure-strategy Nash equilibria almost never exist in spatial majority voting games when the number of positional dimensions is at least two, as the majority core is typically empty... 相似文献
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Deborah D. Avant Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(2):327-342
Images of private forces in Iraq—killed and mutilated in Fallujah, implicated in prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, and shooting up civilian vehicles—have provided a dramatic illustration of the role private security companies (pscs) now play in U.S. military operations. Though the United States’ use of contractors on the battlefield is not entirely new, the increased number of contractors deployed and the use of private security forces to perform an escalating number of tasks has created a new environment that poses important trade-offs for U.S. policy and military effectiveness and for U.S. relations with other states. This article outlines the history of U.S. contractors on the battlefield, compares that with the use of private security in Iraq, discusses the benefits and risks associated with their use, and proposes some trade-offs that decision-makers in the United States should consider while contemplating their use in the future. 相似文献