全文获取类型
收费全文 | 469篇 |
免费 | 17篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 69篇 |
世界政治 | 43篇 |
外交国际关系 | 17篇 |
法律 | 223篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 88篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 78篇 |
2012年 | 17篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 23篇 |
2008年 | 11篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 24篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 7篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 7篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
1939年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有486条查询结果,搜索用时 125 毫秒
71.
72.
Angela Mashford-Pringle Denise Webb 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2023,66(1):62-77
Aiming to improve the health of First Nations in 1979, the federal government implemented the Indian Health Policy to strengthen community development and the relationship with First Nations peoples, and nurture a trilateral relationship in the healthcare landscape. The Indian Health Policy remains the foundation for First Nations health policy and program development today, even without ever having an implementation plan. We critically appraise the Indian Health Policy to identify gaps and evaluate its impact and progress on subsequent policy evaluations, developments, and recent events in light of the new distinctions-based Indigenous health legislation underway. Based on our findings, we provide recommendations to inform the federal government's efforts to co-develop distinctions-based Indigenous health legislation. 相似文献
73.
Evans Opoku-Mensah 《北京周报(英文版)》2021,64(48)
I have been a doctoral student at the University of Electronic Science and Technology of China since 2017. My studies in China give me the opportunity to explore a China different from the one I've seen on TV and read about in books. What happens in the university and the larger society has always been interesting to me. As I learned that this year marked the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, it reminded me that I had been here for several years, and inspired me to share my own experiences. 相似文献
74.
Adam Evans 《议会、议员及代表》2019,39(1):98-112
Since 1997, the United Kingdom’s territorial constitution has undergone an immense process of change and has resulted in the establishment of separate legislatures and governments for the peoples of Scotland, Wales and, when Stormont is operational, Northern Ireland. These changes have spawned a whole series of relationships between the institutions of the devolved UK, at executive, legislature and civil service levels. However, while intergovernmental relations has been the subject of repeated debate, there has been little attempt to document and examine the way in which the UK’s four legislatures interact with one another, post-devolution. To the extent that these interactions, otherwise known as inter-parliamentary relations (IPR), have been the subject of scrutiny, it has been largely to bemoan their modest state and/or to suggest that stronger, albeit occasionally rather unelaborated, mechanisms be established. This article seeks to correct this deficit and provide a first step towards a clearer understanding of IPR in the UK, post-devolution. The article breaks the different levels of IPR down into three main strands: (1) parliament-parliament, (2) committee-committee and (3) official-official, and suggests that the main interactions that take place at each of these levels. Following this audit, the article concludes by highlighting the role that shared policy competence (a field that is set to grow with the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union) has played in driving IPR in the UK, post-devolution, and suggests some steps that may be taken to enhance IPR in the future. 相似文献
75.
76.
The uneven and combined development of class forces: migration as combined development 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Jessica Evans 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2016,29(3):1061-1073
One of the more interesting and potentially powerful developments within Marxist approaches to the field of international relations has been the recent revival of Trotsky’s concept of uneven and combined development (UCD). However, it appears that there have been very few attempts within this literature to specify in concrete terms what is meant by mechanisms of ‘combination’. Failing this, UCD runs the risk of falling into triviality. To this end, this article suggests that migration has historically functioned as a crucial element of combined development, contributing to the uneven incorporation of non-capitalist societies into the remit of a developing world capitalist market. As illustration, I take settler-colonial development and the Great Atlantic Migrations as my focal point, drawing out a comparative study of Argentine and Canadian wheat production in the late nineteenth century. In positing these migrations as mechanisms of combined development I suggest that such were the means by which both European capitalism developed extensively and intensively and New World societies were subjected to the ‘pressures of backwardness’, compelled to transform their own social relations of production. 相似文献
77.
In the last several decades, the field of family violence has paid increasing attention to children’s exposure to partner violence (CEPV). Most of this research has focused on the children of women seeking help for partner violence (PV) victimization. In this paper we examine exposure to PV among children of men who sought help for PV victimization (n?=?408), as compared with children of men in a population-based sample (n?=?666). We examined children’s exposure to psychological, physical, and sexual PV and also examined CEPV that is perpetrated by women, men, or both partners. The results show that CEPV is higher among children of helpseeking men than among children of men from the population-based sample, and that most of that PV is perpetrated by the female partner. We did not find differences in CEPV based in child age or gender. We discuss implications for the field of family violence professionals. 相似文献
78.
This article examines the different attitudinal bases which potentially contribute to Euroscepticism amongst the electorates of Extreme Left-wing and Right-wing parties in France, and in particular of the Communist Party and the Front National. Controlling for other explanations of anti-European sentiment, Left–Right economic and ethnocentric attitudes are found to be strong predictors of pro-, anti- and indifferent stances on the European issue. Moreover, despite the existence of an important electoral pool on the Extreme Right, which possesses both Left-wing economic and Right-wing ethnocentric attitudinal bases to its Eurosceptic position, the nature of the economic issues on which these voters hold a Left-wing position reveals a perspective in many ways more compatible with the Extreme Right than with any Left-wing conceptualisation of economic policy. Electorally, this divergence in mass ideological demand would seem to rule out any future long-term partisan realignment around the European issue. 相似文献
79.
Alex O. Acheampong Eric Evans Osei Opoku Olufemi Adewale Aluko 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2023,23(4):e2882
Global crises have heightened policy uncertainties and efforts to address global climate change. Limited evidence exists in the literature on geopolitical risk's direct and indirect roles in addressing global emissions. In this study, we examine whether geopolitical risk could impede or facilitate efforts to attain a net-zero emissions target through energy transition using panel data for 42 countries from 1990 to 2020. Various econometric techniques were applied in this study to present robust findings and reliable conclusions. Estimates from the Driscoll-Kraay, Lewbel two-stage least squares and method of moment regression techniques consistently showed that countries' geopolitical risk directly increases emissions (total greenhouse gas, carbon, methane, and nitrous oxide). At the same time, energy transition, measured with renewable energy consumption, mitigates these emissions. In addition, evidence from the partial linear functional-coefficient model technique indicates that renewable energy consumption consistently mitigates emissions when geopolitical is minimal (at a minimum and mean level). However, the role of renewable energy consumption in reducing emissions becomes weaker when geopolitical risk is heightened—thus, when geopolitical risk reaches its maximum level. We recommend that efforts to sustain renewable energy transition and maintain geopolitical stability are vital for achieving net-zero emissions and climate change mitigation. 相似文献
80.