首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   171篇
  免费   6篇
各国政治   12篇
工人农民   28篇
世界政治   6篇
外交国际关系   5篇
法律   97篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   26篇
综合类   2篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   6篇
  2018年   4篇
  2017年   9篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   3篇
  2014年   6篇
  2013年   22篇
  2012年   7篇
  2011年   3篇
  2010年   9篇
  2009年   15篇
  2008年   6篇
  2007年   8篇
  2006年   11篇
  2005年   3篇
  2004年   7篇
  2003年   4篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   1篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   1篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   3篇
  1992年   2篇
  1991年   3篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   3篇
  1988年   2篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   3篇
  1982年   1篇
  1979年   1篇
  1978年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
排序方式: 共有177条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
This article summarizes a report of the National Research Council: Improving Evaluation of Anti-crime Programs. It is based on a workshop, held in September 2003, in which participants presented and discussed examples of evaluation-related studies that represent the methods and challenges associated with research at three levels: interventions directed toward individuals; interventions in neighborhoods, schools, prisons, or communities; and interventions at a broad policy level. The article, and the report on which it is based, is organized around five questions that require thoughtful analysis in the development of any evaluation plan: What questions should the evaluation address? When is it appropriate to conduct an impact evaluation? How should an impact evaluation be designed? How should the evaluation be implemented? What organizational infrastructure and procedures support high quality evaluation? The authors highlight major considerations in developing and implementing evaluation plans for criminal justice programs and make recommendations for improvement of government funded evaluation studies.  相似文献   
72.
This article analyses the disputed election of President Park Geun-hye and her administration’s confrontation of left-nationalist politicians and other social movements during her first year in office. We argue that the Park administration’s policies resonate with contemporary discussions of “post-democratisation,” a process whereby social rights are increasingly subordinated to market logics and state power insulated from popular challenges. Under the conservative governments of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, this process has been animated by a mode of confrontation known in South Korea as “politics by public security.” This politics targets social conflict and political dissent as threats to national security and has involved both illegal interventions by state institutions – such as the 2012 electoral interference by state agencies including the National Intelligence Service – and a cultural politics that affirms but revises the narrative of Korean democratisation by obfuscating the nature of the democracy movement and by attempting to restore the honour of conservative forces associated with former dictatorships. In order to better understand this conjuncture, we explore its origin within a tacit alliance between both former public security prosecutors-cum-conservative politicians and a movement of conservative intellectuals known as the New Right.  相似文献   
73.
74.
75.
Brazil is considered one of the more successful examples of democratic transition and consolidation in the developing world; and one of the fastest developing and emerging countries. This article contends that Brazil is not yet a fully established democracy, because it lacks the proper civilian checks and balances ensuring full authority over the armed forces, police and secret services. There are five main reasons for this: first, the Constitution does not provide a generalised guide for the institution of civilian oversight. Second, a change of cultural perceptions vis-à-vis the security sector entities is needed. Third, piecemeal rather than holistic or comprehensive legal and institutional transformation has occurred, with little civilian oversight of the armed forces. Fourth, the large structures still held by each of the armed forces require re-articulation and fundamental transformation. Finally, there is no fully fledged civil society participation in security sector life through the media and academia. These problems weaken democracy in Brazil. The course of democratisation in Brazil and the role the security sector played in the transition are examined before discussion of some of the more recent legal and political developments in the security sector, as part of the democratic consolidation. The conclusion presents insights from Brazil’s experience and lessons for states facing similar transition challenges.  相似文献   
76.
This article is a content analysis of 150 unique cases of children killing parents in the United States as reported in the electronic news media. The accuracy of online coverage of U.S. parricide incidents is assessed using two types of resources: officially reported national statistics on known parricidal incidents and the psychological and psychiatric literature on matricide and patricide. Comparisons of news accounts of media-reported U.S. parricide cases with Supplementary Homicide Report data indicate that electronic media coverage of parricide cases focused on the more sensational and unusual parricides. Analyses of these media accounts by offender age found 13 significant differences between juvenile and adult offenders. Ten of these 13 differences related to motive and Heide's parricide offender types (severely abused, severely mentally ill, and dangerously antisocial) and were consistent with the mental health-related literature in this area. The limitations and directions for future research are discussed at length.  相似文献   
77.
This study expands our knowledge about the validity of self-reported drug use by examining how gender, race, age, type of drug, and offense seriousness interact to affect the validity of self-reported drug use. This study also provides a conceptual framework that can be used to examine the validity of self-reported drug use. Differences in the validity of self-reported drug use are explained by examining differences in underreporting and overreporting. Differences in underreporting and overreporting are then further examined while controlling for differences in base rates of drug use. As shown, whether one controls for base rates of use may drastically affect estimates of underreporting and overreporting. By using hierarchical loglinear, logit, and logistic regression models with the Drug Use Forecasting data, we show that Black offenders provide less accurate self-reports than White offenders. Black offenders do so because they are more likely to underreport crack/cocaine use than White offenders. This difference, however, disappears once differences in base rates are controlled. A Black offender who tests positive is not more likely to underreport crack/cocaine use than a White offender who tests positive. Black offenders are also more likely to overreport both marijuana and crack/cocaine use relative to White offenders. Contrary to the first, this difference is not attributable to a difference in base rates. Methodological and substantive implications of this distinction are discussed. No differences across gender, age, or offense seriousness were found.
André B. RosayEmail:
  相似文献   
78.
Intimate partner violence (IPV) by women against men has been the subject of much debate. Feminists typically argue that IPV is committed only by men against women. Others argue that violence is a human problem and women also commit much IPV. To resolve these debates, IPV has been classified into two categories: common couple violence captured by population-based studies, and patriarchal terrorism, captured by studies of battered women. This typology ignores male victims of extreme IPV. The current study addresses this omission by describing 190 male callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. All callers experienced physical abuse from their female partners, and a substantial minority feared their wives’ violence and were stalked. Over 90% experienced controlling behaviors, and several men reported frustrating experiences with the domestic violence system. Callers’ reports indicated that their female abusers had a history of trauma, alcohol/drug problems, mental illness, and homicidal and suicidal ideations.
Denise A. HinesEmail:
  相似文献   
79.
Seven cases involving acute fatalities due to ingestion of furathiocarb, a carbamate insecticide, are presented. Furathiocarb was detected in the gastric contents using thin layer chromatography (TLC) and gas chromatography/mass spectrophotometry (GC/MS), and quantified in the blood using a gas chromatograph equipped with a nitrogen-phosphorus detector (NPD). The fatal levels of furathiocarb in the blood ranged from 0.1 to 21.6 micrograms/ml.  相似文献   
80.
Abstract: In this project, real time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) was utilized to study the mechanism of PCR inhibition through examination of the effect of amplicon length, melting temperature, and sequence. Specifically designed primers with three different amplicon lengths and three different melting temperatures were used to target a single homozygous allele in the HUMTH01 locus. The effect on amplification efficiency for each primer pair was determined by adding different concentrations of various PCR inhibitors to the reaction mixture. The results show that a variety of inhibition mechanisms can occur during the PCR process depending on the type of co‐extracted inhibitor. These include Taq inhibition, DNA template binding, and effects on reaction efficiency. In addition, some inhibitors appear to affect the reaction in more than one manner. Overall we find that amplicon size and melting temperature are important in some inhibition mechanisms and not in others and the key issue in understanding PCR inhibition is determining the identity of the interfering substance.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号