Thermogravimetric analysis as a polymer identification technique in forensic applications

This paper investigates the potential of thermogravimetric analysis (TGA) as a tool for determination of different species of polymers. Materials analyzed include polyvinyl chloride (PVC), chlorinated polyvinyl chloride (CPVC), polystyrene, polypropylene, nitriles, and nylon. Analyses showed excellent discriminating results even when samples were contaminated with silicates, organics, moisture, and char. The techniques developed were designed with a forensic-type analysis in mind, such as analysis of blast fragments and arson debris. Techniques were developed that gave satisfactory results even when sample sizes were less than five milligrams.     

Toward a multidimensional model for sexual recidivism risk

The paradigm underlying current sexual offender recidivism risk assessment procedures conceptualizes such risk in a linear fashion, ranging on a single continuum from 0% to 100%. Each risk and protective characteristic thought of relevance in an evaluation is used as an indicator of increased or decreased risk, respectively, along that same continuum. This conceptualization of risk was useful as a starting place for the application of empirically supported risk and protective factors. On the other hand, this perspective is likely simplistic and therefore potentially results in some errors that a more sophisticated assessment model would avoid. Recent research findings indicate support for a multidimensional model for sexual recidivism risk. This article explores what we already know about the existence of multiple risk dimensions, what those dimensions may be, and which risk factors assess which dimension. Implications for risk assessment procedures are discussed including how risk evaluations using this model might be conducted.     

Duverger's Law, Penrose's Power Index and the Unity of the UK

As predicted by Duverger's Law, the UK has had two-party competition for long periods in most electoral districts. However, there are different patterns of two-party competition in different districts and more than two effective parties in the Commons. Since 1874, parliament has always contained parties wishing to modify the Union and contesting seats only outside England. By calculating the Penrose power index for all parties in the House of Commons for all general elections since 1874, we identify when such parties were pivotal. We explain various legislative changes (for example the Crofters Act 1886, the first three Irish Home Rule Bills, the Parliament Act 1911) and non-changes (for example the failure to enact female suffrage before 1914) by reference to the Penrose index scores. The scores also explain how and why policy towards Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland changed and did not change in the 1970s.     

Voting power and voting blocs

We investigate the method of power indices to study voting power of members of a legislature that has voting blocs. Our analysis is theoretical, intended to contribute to a theory of positive political science in which social actors are motivated by the pursuit of power as measured by objective power indices. Our starting points are the papers by Riker (Behavioural Science, 1959, “A test of the adequacy of the power index”) and Coleman (American Sociological Review, 1973, “Loss of Power”). We argue against the Shapley–Shubik index and show that anyway the Shapley–Shubik index per head is inappropriate for voting blocs. We apply the Penrose index (the absolute Banzhaf index) to a hypothetical voting body with 100 members. We show how the power indices of individual bloc members can be used to study the implications of the formation of blocs and how voting power varies as bloc size varies. We briefly consider incentives to migrate between blocs. This technique of analysis has many real world applications to legislatures and international bodies. It can be generalised in many ways: our analysis is a priori (assuming formal voting and ignoring actual voting behaviour) but can be made empirical with voting data reflecting behaviour; it examines the consequences of two blocs but can easily be extended to more.     

Psycholegal Scholarship's Contribution to False Consciousness About Injustice

The field of psychology and law began with an avowed focus on social justice. In the past two decades, that focus has been diverted. With justice defined more narrowly than previously, psycholegal research has contributed to false consciousness about the degree to which law reduces injustice and promotes social change. Primary components of false consciousness about law include the belief that procedural justice is more important than substantive or distributive justice, the acceptance of legal doctrines that support corporate capitalism, and the belief that the strict rule of law is inherently superior to individualized equity and commonsense justice.     

Corruption among narcotic officers: A study of innocence and integrity

This study focuses on the influencing components producing corruption among narcotic law enforcement officers, and it is the second article of a three part series among 255 officers. It was postulated that income and stress among of narcotic officers gives rise to corruption. Although, corruption was defined as police brutality, personal use of contraband, and abuse of due process rights, the data was insufficient to support the hypothesis. It was revealed, however, that corruption did exist among narcotic officers, but its causal factors were related to an officer’s lack of experience, innocence, and integrity. Recommendations are that narcotic officers be selected based on their experiences especially military service. Further research should be conducted examining the link between military training and quality narcotic law enforcement service. Author Note: Dennis J. Stevens, Ph.D. is an associate professor of criminal justice at the University of Massachusetts at Boston. In addition to teaching traditional and nontraditional students, he teaches and counsels law enforcement officers in police academies such as at the North Carolina Justice Academy and felons at maximum custody penitentiaries such as Attica in New York, Eastern and Women’s Institute in North Carolina, Stateville and Joliet near Chicago, and CCI in Columbia, South Carolina. He is a former group facilitator for an organization that specializes in court ordered abuse counseling. He can be reached at dennis.stevens@umb.edu     

Designing the Voting System for the Council of the European Union

This paper examines thesystem of Qualified Majority Voting, usedby the Council of the European Union, fromthe perspective of enlargement of theUnion. It uses an approach based on powerindices due to Penrose (1946), Banzhaf (1965) and Coleman(1971) to make two analyses: (1) the question ofthe voting power of member countries fromthe point of view of fairness, and (2) thequestion of how the threshold number ofvotes required for QMV should bedetermined. It studies two scenarios forchange from 2005 onwards envisaged by theNice Treaty: (1) no enlargement, the EUcomprising 15 member countries, and (2)full enlargement to 27 members by theaccession of all the present twelvecandidates. The proposal is made that fairweights be determined algorithmically as atechnical or routine matter as themembership changes. The analysis of how thethreshold affects power shows thetrade-offs that countries face betweentheir blocking power and the power of theCouncil to act. The main findings are: (1)that the weights laid down in the NiceTreaty are close to being fair, the onlysignificant discrepancies being theunder-representation of Germany andRomania, and the over-representation ofSpain and Poland; (2) the thresholdrequired for a decision is set too high forthe Council to be an effective decisionmaking body.     

An Empirical Comparison of the Performance of Classical Power Indices

Power indices are general measures of the relative a priori voting power of individual members of a voting body. They are useful for both positive and normative analysis of voting bodies particularly those using weighted voting. This paper applies new algorithms for computing the rival Shapley-Shubik and Banzhaf indices for large voting bodies to shareholder voting power in a cross section of British companies. Each company is a separate voting body and there is much variation in ownership between them resulting in different power structures. Because the data are incomplete, both finite and 'oceanic' games of shareholder voting are analysed. The indices are appraised, using reasonable criteria, from the literature on corporate control. The results are unfavourable to the Shapley-Shubik index and suggest that the Banzhaf index much better reflects the variations in the power of shareholders between companies as the weights of shareholder blocs vary.     

THIRD WORLD URBANIZATION AND AMERICAN FOREIGN AID POLICY: DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE IN THE 1990s

Over the next decade, the demographic and economic characteristics of countries to which the United States government provides technical and financial assistance for economic development will change substantially. Rapid urban population growth, the expanding role of cities and towns in national economies, continued migration of population from rural to urban areas, explosive growth in the size of the labor force, and shifts in the occupations of the labor force from agriculture to manufacturing and ser- vices will require a reorientation of American development assistance. Yet, program objectives and budget allocations of the U.S. foreign aid program fail to reflect these changes in the characteristics of its clientele. The US. Agency for International Development lacks an overt strategy for coping with urbanization in developing nations. Without an urban strategy, the American foreign aid program is likely to incur increasing opportunity costs and fail to address critical problems arising from fundamental shifts in the economic and social structure of developing countries.