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921.
Rinus van Schendelen 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(2):85-89
If public affairs management is what public affairs managers do, then there is no stable definition of the ideal profile of such a manager. There is, however, a need for this in practice. If an interest group decides to strengthen its public affairs function and to open a vacancy, what then should be the text of the profile? The question also has much academic relevance, as it invites a selection of the most important characteristics required for effectively handling and influencing a specific playing field. Below is presented the ideal profile of the public affairs expert at the level of the European Union. As the ideal is always above the reality, we suggest in addition specific training of skills and development of talents in order to bridge the gap. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
922.
923.
A. P. den Exter 《European Law Journal》2002,8(4):556-573
Since the ratification of the Europe agreements, Eastern European accession countries are transposing community law into their national legal framework. The law approximation process in the field of health concerns three themes, viz public health, health–related issues, and the internal market. Although the health acquis has been largely focused on public–health issues, it is increasingly becoming clear that internal market treaty provisions may also affect health–related rights. For candidate member states this means that the common market has important consequences for health and their health–care systems. Therefore, this paper will examine the impact of relevant treaty provisions on acceding countries' (public) health legal framework. 相似文献
924.
P.C. van Duyne 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2003,39(3):285-317
The smuggling of taxed goods, like tobacco or alcohol, has always been a lucrative cross-border crime business. The very high excises for tobacco in the United Kingdom since the 1990's has stimulated the already existing cigarette smuggling from the continent, particularly from Eastern Europe. The analysis of the investigations carried out by the Dutch customs showed that the Netherlands function as a gateway from the continent to the United Kingdom. However, part of the contraband remains in the Netherlands and is sold on the black market. The crime-entrepreneurs operating on this market rarely have a criminal background or connections with other contraband markets like drugs. Despite that while trading they developed crime-organisations, which again underlines the dynamic dimension of ``organising crime.' Some international wholesalers developed extensive organised crime-networks. Two criminal trading patterns could be discerned: a Northern European ``trade belt,' stretching from the Baltic to the British isles and a Southern one, in which the Iberian peninsula and Italy are more prominent. This indicates that this form of crosse-border crime should be addressed from the perspective of economic ``crime-regions.' 相似文献
925.
926.
Several recent studies have documented the magnitude and impact of distortions in food pricing. However, little attention has been paid to the nature of the political agendas that determine the levels of direct and indirect protection granted to producers and consumers. This paper offers evidence that, regardless of the degree of economic development, the level of political pressure wielded by interest groups in food markets, and hence the level of protection they receive, is an inverse function of the relative size of their constituencies. The results recommend the application of collective action concepts to the understanding of agricultural policies in countries which are at different stages of development. 相似文献
927.
928.
R. Cory Watkins Lorraine Green Mazerolle Dennis Rogan 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2000,24(2):217-233
This paper examines the environmental and social structural correlates associated with random gunfire incidents. The study
group consists of 273 face blocks and intersections in a selected portion of Dallas, Texas. The data show some locations routinely
generate random gunfire, while others remain gunshot-free. The analysis suggests environmental factors are not sufficient
to explain random gunfire. Implications for future inquiries are offered.
The research for this paper was supported by Grant No. DOJ-OH-6-8971 from the National Institute of Justice. Findings and
conclusions of the research reported here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official position or
policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. The authors are indebted to the support from the Dallas Police Department with
special appreciation to Sgt. Mark Stallo, Sgt. Bruce McDonald, and Southwest Crime Analyst Mike Edgar. Thanks also go to James
Frank from the University of Cincinnati and Kasaundra Tomlin from the University of Central Florida. 相似文献
929.
In general, the relationship between rule and conduct is dominated by the concept of linear causality: the legal rule causes
effect in social practice. The case study on Article 96 of the Dutch Constitution (democratic procedures for the war declaration)
and Article 102 of the Dutch Penal Code (the offence: aiding the enemy in war time) makes clear that this concept is too simplistic
for the complex processes that took place. The clear dividing point between war and peace — i.e., the war declaration that
initiates the legal state of war — no longer exists, since a third category —'armed conflicts' — that was 'constituted' in
social practice and is positioned 'somewhere' between peace and war. Exact demarcation for this category is problematic. This
phenomenon has far-reaching consequences for the meaning of the Articles, mentioned above. 相似文献
930.
Marc van de Wardt 《West European politics》2015,38(4):839-868
This study introduces a measure of framing distance, capturing the degree of frame overlap among parties. Additionally, it provides a causal mechanism explaining differences between parties in framing distance. Parties within PR systems have to take coalition considerations in their stride, and therefore mainstream opposition parties, which have previously governed, are unlikely to adopt large framing distances. Alternatively, challenger parties, those that have never governed, are likely to frame important issues differently. Nonetheless, challengers are expected to reduce their framing distance when performing well in election polls. Electoral success acts as a trigger for these parties to reconsider their goals (policy, office, or votes) and to become more office-seeking. These theoretical propositions are confirmed on the basis of the European integration issue, using a mixed methods approach. Pooled time-series regressions on party manifestos issued by 21 parties between 1987 and 2006 in three political systems (Germany, Netherlands, and UK) are complemented with case study analysis. 相似文献