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151.
Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy. 相似文献
152.
Social Justice Research - A confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was used on the Belief in a Just World Scale (BJW; Lucas, Zhdanova & Alexander in J Individ Diff 32:14–25, 2011) to test... 相似文献
153.
Ashli J. Sheidow Martha K. Strachan Joel A. Minden David B. Henry Patrick H. Tolan Deborah Gorman-Smith 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(7):821-829
Research examining the relationship between internalizing symptoms and antisocial behaviors has generally been cross-sectional
in design. Thus, although extant data have substantiated a strong correlation between internalizing symptoms and antisocial
behaviors, few studies have focused on describing the nature of the co-occurrence over time. This study examined the relation
between growth in internalizing symptoms and longitudinal patterns of antisocial behavior in a sample of 283 inner-city males
and their caregivers assessed as part of a longitudinal developmental risk study. Participants were assessed annually in four
waves. Non-offenders and escalating offenders had lower levels of internalizing problems at wave 1 than did chronic minor
and serious-chronic-violent offenders. Results revealed a developmental trend of decreasing internalizing problems across
study years for most participants, as would be expected, with adolescents participating in serious, chronic, and violent patterns
of antisocial behavior displaying greater internalizing problems than those participating in stable patterns of less serious
or no antisocial behavior. Further, when there was escalation of seriousness and frequency of antisocial behavior, there also
was increased internalizing problems relative to non-escalating juveniles. Results are discussed in the context of developmental
psychopathology.
相似文献
Ashli J. SheidowEmail: |
154.
Self-Rated Pubertal Development,Depressive Symptoms and Delinquency: Measurement Issues and Moderation by Gender and Maltreatment 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Sonya Negriff Michelle T. Fung Penelope K. Trickett 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(6):736-746
This cross-sectional study examined relationships between pubertal development, depressive symptoms and delinquency in a sample
of 241 males and 213 females aged 9–13 years. Four objectives were set forth for this study: (1) to examine relationships
between pubertal stage or timing and depressive symptoms and delinquency; (2) to compare continuous and categorical measures
of pubertal timing; (3) to examine gender as a moderator of these relationships, and (4) to examine maltreatment as a moderator
of these relationships. Results indicated that mature pubertal stage and early (continuous) pubertal timing were both related
to higher delinquency whereas only early pubertal timing was related to depressive symptoms. Categorical timing was not related
to depressive symptoms or delinquency. Neither gender nor maltreatment were found to be moderators. These findings provide
evidence against equating pubertal stage, continuous timing, and categorical timing, and highlight the need to identify possible
moderators in research on pubertal development.
相似文献
Penelope K. TrickettEmail: |
155.
Suicide is an important public health problem in China: It is the fifth leading cause of death in China, and suicide in China accounts for over 30% of the world's overall suicide deaths. The substantial burden due to suicide has not been well recognized. This study aims to provide an estimate of the socioeconomic burden of the suicide problem in China in terms of years of life lost (YLL) and to discuss its implications. Suicide rates and the related YLL by age, gender, and region (urban/rural) from 1990 to 2000 were estimated using the most recent data from the Ministry of Health of China. The suicide rate in rural China was three times higher than that in urban areas. Suicide completers in rural areas shared 90% of total YLL. Rural women aged 25-39 years contributed the largest share of YLL. Our results show that some population subgroups contributed a disproportionate share to the disease burden of suicide. National strategies for suicide prevention should include targeted programs in catering the need of these specified subgroups in China. 相似文献
156.
157.
Charles K. Coe 《Public administration review》2008,68(4):759-767
What type of oversight should states exercise over local units in order to prevent fiscal crises? This article discusses a sequence of three best practices that some states use to prevent fiscal emergencies. They first monitor local government finances to predict fiscal distress. After detecting signs of fiscal distress, states actively assist local units in ameliorating the problem. Finally, assistance notwithstanding, if a situation becomes grave, states require local units to take strong remedial measures, including increasing taxes and reducing expenditures. 相似文献
158.
Trade has again emerged as a controversial issue in America, yet we know little about the ideas that guide American thinking on these questions. By combining traditional survey methods with experimental manipulation of problem content, this study explores the ideational landscape among elite Americans and pays particular attention to how elite Americans combine their ideas about commerce with their ideas about national security and social justice. We find that most American leaders think like intuitive neoclassical economists and that only a minority think along intuitive neorealist or Rawlsian lines. Among the mass public, in contrast, a majority make judgments like intuitive neorealists and intuitive Rawlsians. Although elite respondents see international institutions as promising vehicles in principle, in practice they favor exploiting America's advantage in bilateral bargaining power over granting authority to the World Trade Organization. The distribution of these ideas in America is not arrayed neatly along traditional ideological divisions. To understand the ideational landscape, it is necessary to identify how distinctive mentaal models—mercantilist, neorealist, egalitarian, and neoclassical economic—sensitize or desensitize people to particular aspects of geopolitical problems, an approach we call cognitive interactionism. 相似文献
159.
Brian K Murphy 《Development in Practice》2000,10(3-4):330-347
The forces associated with economic globalisation and the apparent supremacy of market forces have unleashed a range of political and social processes that have served, and were indeed designed, to enrich and empower the few at the expense of the majority. These include phenomena such as the rise in armed conflict, threats to food security, the loss of livelihoods and traditional ways of life of millions of people worldwide, the commodification of social provision, assaults on national sovereignty, and the privatisation of citizenship. However, the author argues, the most significant impact of globalisation is the 'localisation' of social and political struggle, and the emergence of new forms of international solidarity. Many NGOs have too readily succumbed to the view that globalisation in its present form is inevitable and irreversible, and have accommodated to it by trading their essential values for technical professionalism, often imported from the private sector. However, if NGOs are to assume their place as part of a transformational movement for social justice, they must rediscover and foster the values of citizen participation and develop a genuine respect for diversity. 相似文献
160.
In 1929, local officials in the mountainous region of upper Ajara in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) pursued aggressive policies to force women to remove their veils and to close religious schools, provoking the Muslim peasant population to rebellion in one of the largest and most violent of such incidents in Soviet history. The central authorities in Moscow authorized the use of Red Army troops to suppress the uprising, but they also reversed the local initiatives and offered the peasants concessions. Based on Party and secret police files from the Georgian archives in Tbilisi and Batumi, this article will explore the ways in which local cadres interpreted regime policies in this Muslim region of Georgia, and the interaction of the center and periphery in dealing with national identity, Islam, gender, and everyday life in the early Soviet period. 相似文献