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171.
In “The Challenge of Measuring Media Exposure: Reply to Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz,” Markus Prior suggests that scholars should avoid using a new method of measuring exposure to political television that we evaluated in a recent article published in the American Journal of Political Science. We respond to each of his criticisms, concluding that although no measurement approach is without its flaws, scholars should always use the best approach that is available at any given point in time. 相似文献
172.
Diana Prentice Carlin 《政治交往》2013,30(4):251-265
Abstract This critical analysis of the 1988 Bush‐Dukakis presidential campaign is based on the premise that political debates can provide a framework for examining the arguments and issues within a political campaign that help shape potential voters’ perceptions about each candidate's character and fitness for office. The arguments presented within the debates are examined to determine the dominant themes each candidate developed as a way of describing himself and his opponent. Analysis of news reports of subsequent campaign speeches and polling information suggests which themes were accepted by the majority of voters. 相似文献
173.
Diana Bozhilova 《欧亚研究》2020,72(7):1263-1265
174.
Tomczyk Samuel Pielmann Diana Schmidt Silke 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2022,28(2):245-267
European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research - In recent years, online radicalization has received increasing attention from researchers and policymakers, for instance, by analyzing online... 相似文献
175.
Michael J. Platow John A. Hunter Nyla R. Branscombe Diana M. Grace 《Social Justice Research》2014,27(3):283-304
Although fairness rules provide a basis for conflict resolution, social and psychological processes can lead people to use these rules flexibly to allow their own groups to compare favorably relative to other groups. In two studies, we examined the expression of such ethnocentric fairness in the context of the Olympic Games. Participants rated the fairness of different methods of determining relative rankings of countries’ performances. Results showed that participants used fairness rules flexibly in ways likely to enhance the relative standing of their own country. Thus, even in this context of normative intergroup harmony, fairness rules can be a basis for intergroup conflict. We conclude that fairness rules are best understood as dynamic constructions reflecting the realities of social life and identity-related processes involved in negotiating that social life. 相似文献
176.
Diana Panke 《Negotiation Journal》2014,30(4):367-392
Theorists often claim that being bigger than one's counterparts offers advantages in multilateral negotiations. In this article, I examine that argument using data from negotiations in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The article analyzes and compares the activity levels of smaller and larger states in international negotiations, and sheds light on the conditions under which the latter “punch below their weight.” My analysis indicates that size directly affects participation, but not success rates. Bigger states can better formulate national positions on a broad range of issues, enabling their diplomats to more actively participate in negotiations, while smaller states are absent more often. Activity is conducive to success, which helps bigger states. But not every negotiation strategy is equally effective. In the UNGA's one‐state, one‐vote context, bigger states are not able to systematically exert disproportionate influence despite their often superior financial resources and bargaining strategies. 相似文献
177.
Diana Panke 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2014,27(3):442-458
The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) is frequently criticized as being an inefficient talking shop. Such criticism is partially due to the fact that UNGA resolutions are not legally binding, and partially due to the considerable share of resolutions that are debated repeatedly in multiple UNGA sessions. This article shows that more than half of the resolutions on the negotiation agenda of the UNGA in a given year are not novel, but have been discussed in the same arena in the past. As this increases the negotiation workload and also the capacity requirements of the member states, the widespread phenomenon of repetitions is puzzling. Therefore, the article examines the reasons behind reoccurring resolutions. It distinguishes between incrementalist and symbolic rationales and sheds light on the different motivations for repetitions in a series of case studies. This reveals that both rationales matter for repeating resolutions and that neither symbolic politics nor incrementalism are confined to specific types of issues or actors. 相似文献
178.
179.
Providing Public Servants What They Need: Revealing the “Unseen” through Data Visualization 下载免费PDF全文
Electronic media has enabled new forms of communication with the potential to provide more effective means of conveying evidence to public servants. This article explores what is known about the use of these new capacities in public affairs to visualize the results of research. The authors first explore the value of visual engagement for increasing comprehension. Then, they examine what is known of studies of the effectiveness of visualization and offer basic design principles that underpin effective visualization. Finally, two original public affairs examples are presented to illustrate what is possible. 相似文献
180.
Diana J. Schaub 《Society》2017,54(2):196-198
In the latest of his many books on Lincoln, Allen C. Guelzo argues that the “redeemer president” is himself in need of redemption—redemption from a contemporary mindset that refuses to acknowledge moral indebtedness. Challenging various falsifications of the past, from the neo-abolitionist claim of “self emancipation” to simplistic accounts of the postwar failure of emancipation, Guelzo offers a richly textured and fearless brief for Lincoln’s crucial role in emancipation. 相似文献