The challenges and opportunities of implementing the integrity pact as a strategy for combating corruption in Nigeria's oil rich Niger Delta region

In recent years, significant local and transnational concerted initiatives have been instituted to curb the incidence of corruption that has undermined socio‐economic development in Nigeria. Drawing on the critiques of such initiatives, and the experience from the process of implementing the Integrity Pact in the Niger Delta Development Commission, this article suggests that the Integrity Pact in principle offers real opportunities that can both reinforce and complement existing anti‐corruption initiatives in Nigeria's public sector. However, political instability, lack of continuity in civil service leadership and limited capacity are core challenges that confront the successful implementation and institutionalisation of the Integrity Pact as a means of fighting corruption and meeting sustainable development objectives in the Niger Delta. The article concludes by considering the implications of the findings for the fight against corruption in Nigeria. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Feminism, Science Wars, and the Twilight of Positivism

When we began theorizing our experiences during the women's movement ... we knew our task would be a difficult though exciting one. But I doubt in our wildest dreams we ever imagined we would have to reinvent both science and theorizing itself to make sense of women's social experience.     

Police shooting as a method of self-harming: A review of the evidence for ‘suicide by cop’ in England and Wales between 1998 and 2001

There is increasing evidence that some individuals actively seek to bring about their own deaths by provoking armed police officers to shoot them. The current paper examines 22 police shooting incidents, nine fatal, between 1998 and 2001, to assess the likelihood of suicidal motivation in each of these cases. All 22 individuals shot were male, 18 were white, three black and one Asian and ages ranged from 18 to 51. Around half of the shootings examined have some evidence indicating a suicidal motive in those shot, with further indications of irrational behaviour in a number of the other cases. This has clear implications for the choice of police strategy in responding to such incidents and an imperative to develop ‘less lethal’ options to minimise the risk to such vulnerable populations.     

The Mobility of Stolen Guns in Quebec

Research on crime guns has traditionally focused on the time-to-crime measure. This study shifts the focus to guns that entered the illegal firearm market through thefts. This subset of guns allows us to examine the same process and objective underlying the time-to-crime measure—that being the recovery process. Two new measures are proposed. The first, time-to-find, assesses the time span between a gun’s theft and seizure by police. The second, distance-to-recovery, introduces a spatial dimension to the crime gun repertoire by measuring the distance a firearm travels between its points of theft and seizure. Using a mix of national (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) data on crime guns, this study’s findings show that these two new measures are tapping into a unique phenomenon: whereas time-to-crime accounts for a gun’s complete lifecycle, time-to-find and distance-to-recovery reflect a gun’s criminal lifecycle. At the multivariate level, the most influential factor explaining both time-to-find and distance-to-recovery is the registration status of the gun. Non-registered crime guns took longer to find and traveled lengthier distances between the moments and points of theft and seizure. Our explanation for this is that non-registered guns may be stolen from sources that are more problematic to begin with and, thus, result in the gun’s transition toward a segment of the illegal market that is also more problematic and in demand than the pool of firearms represented by registered guns. This would embed the firearm more deeply into the illegal market, making it more difficult to retrieve and more likely to be dispersed across a wider geographical plane than guns which are registered to begin with.     

Interest representation in Germany

The German public affairs sector has experienced considerable growth and noticeable changes since the millennium including the shift of the government seat from Bonn to Berlin. For a long time, public affairs was characterised by an effectively tripartite system composed of an interplay among state, economy and trade unions. Nowadays, observers recognise the emergence of a multitude of new players in this field and a fundamental change to a highly fragmented and extensive public affairs landscape. This development brought new challenges to the profession of interest representation. ‘Lobbying’ has become a highly discussed topic in the public debate carrying a rather negative connotation. Do we notice an increasing lack of transparency due to a multitude of players? How can we win back trust? First, this paper describes the need for interest representation and the necessity of defining political conditions for the public affairs sector within Germany. Second, the paper focuses on the development of the profession and addresses issues relating to the changes that have taken place in the course of time. Lastly, this article concludes with an evaluation of how public affairs and politics cope with the rising external and internal pressures in order to address current challenges and provide an outlook for future directions. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Al Qaeda Versus Big Brother: Anxiety About Government Monitoring and Support for Domestic Counterterrorism Policies

Explanatory models of attitudes toward U.S. domestic counterterrorism policy routinely incorporate individual concern over terrorism, but uniformly disregard concern about the government??s use of domestic surveillance. Indeed, one of the most prominent works of this kind explicitly argues that ordinary Americans will not perceive that government monitoring targets people like themselves and thus domestic surveillance programs will not generate anxiety. We question this assumption on theoretical and historical grounds. Our research uses a unique probability sample survey to demonstrate that significant portions of ordinary Americans feel anxious about domestic government monitoring. Moreover, the results show that anxiety about government monitoring negatively relates to attitudes toward domestic counterterrorism policies. Although never included in previous models, and even plainly dismissed as irrelevant, felt anxiety about government monitoring importantly predicts attitudes about domestic counterterrorism policies.