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221.
Abstract: Policy research institutes, or think-tanks, as journalists and scholars often label them, are attracting considerable exposure in the print and broadcast media. The Fraser Institute, the C.D. Howe Institute, and the Canadian Tax Foundation are among a handful of Canadian think-tanks whose studies are frequently referred to in the press. Yet, despite the increased public visibility of these and other think-tanks, few scholars have considered whether the most frequently cited think-tanks play an important role in other critical stages of the policy-making process. By measuring the relative visibility and policy relevance of a sizeable cross-section of the think-tank population in Canada, this paper demonstrates that not only do think-tanks wield different types of policy influence, but they elect to exercise it at different stages of the policy-making process. More specifically, think-tanks may share a common desire to shape and mould public opinion and public policy, but the priorities they assign to accessing particular stages of the policy cycle vary considerably. Sommaire: Les institute de recherche politique font I'objet de beaucoup d'attention de la part de la presse et des autres média. L'lnstitut Fraser, l'lnstitut C.D. Howe et I'Association canadienne d'études fiscales figurent parmi les quelques instituts dont les études sont souvent citées dans la presse. Malgré la visibilité publique de plus en plus grande de ces instituts, et d'autres encore, très peu d'académiciens se sont pourtant interrogés pour savoir si les instituts les plus souvent cités jouent un rôle important dans d'autres étapes critiques du processus de décision politique. En mesurant la visibilité relative et la pertinence politique d'un gros échantillon de la population d'instituts de ce genre au Canada, cet article démontre qu'en plus d'avoir des effets de types différents sur les politiques, ces instituts choisissent d'exercer leur influence à divers moments du processus de définition des politiques. Plus précisément, ces instituts partagent peut-être le désir commun de former et de moduler I'opinion publique et les politiques gouvernementales, mais la priorité qu'ils accordent aux étapes particulières du cycle d'élaboration des politiques varie de manière considérable.  相似文献   
222.
Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility R. Cranston (Ed.) Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995

Legal Ethics and Legal Practice: Contemporary Issues S. Parker & S. Sampford (Eds.) Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995  相似文献   

223.
Previous research has examined the influence of the abusive personality (Dutton, 1994a,b) on relationship dynamics. Men with high scores of abusive personality (borderline personality organization, anger and MCMI8: Negativity) generate more frequent and extreme forms of physical and emotional abuse in intimate relationships. Other lines of research have examined the role of these relationship features in influencing post-separation adjustment in women. The current study combines two data sets; one bearing on the first of these issues, the other on the second issue, in order to connect characteristics of the perpetrator's personality to post separation aspects of victim reaction. Substantial associations are found between abusive personality and relationship dynamics and between the latter and persistent attachment, trauma symptoms, and lowered self esteem in battered women.  相似文献   
224.
Abstract Two implausible hypotheses implied by the directional theory of issue voting were tested using six Swedish national election studies, 1979–1994. The hypotheses that (a) centrists are indifferent toward parties, and that (b) people leaning slightly in one direction prefer an extremely intense party on the same side were not supported. However, alternative hypotheses from proximity theory were also not supported consistently. Self–placement on the left–right dimension and liking for a party form a logistic function. Party set and latitudes of acceptance, rejection, and noncommitment are concepts that may prove useful in understanding this relationship.  相似文献   
225.
The idea that problems in governance have deep roots in social structure has been revisited by Geof Wood in a recent article in this journal. His article takes a position in relation to an ongoing debate about how to improve public administration and management in Bangladesh, a debate that seems to be almost as ‘imprisoned’ in incompatible values and premises as, he argues, are the various Bangladeshi actors in society. But behind this debate are some very practical issues about how the administration there might be persuaded to work better. Key to his contribution is the idea of ‘room for manoeuvre’ or conditions for ‘escape’. This article argues that embedded institutions and values matter but that behaviour is also responsive to opportunity. ‘Old’ values can be put together into new institutional complexes if given a chance. The key to successful institutional change is effectiveness. ‘Escape’ is not only, or even primarily, a matter of changing values but of responding to circumstances and changing institutions—cutting the bars. A close look at institutional and organizational reform in any country, including the UK, shows that, whatever moral language and posture inform the reform agenda, it is constructive compromise that produces the structure that works. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
226.
Abstract: This paper examines the involvement of Ontario-based environmental organizations in the debate over NAFTA and their relationship with various ministries at Queen's Park responsible for developing policy on the agreement. More specifically, this study seeks to explain why and how the Ontario government relied on a select group of environmental organizations to advance its anti-NAFTA campaign. The paper concludes by arguing that while a handful of environmental organizations played an important role in increasing public awareness about the potential environmental implications of NAFTA, these organizations also served as effective vehicles for conveying Ontario's opposition to the agreement. Sommaire: Dans cet article, nous examinons la participation des organismes environ-nementaux de I'Ontario au dkbat concernant l'ALENA ainsi que leur rapport avec divers ministères ontariens chargés d'élaborer les politiques relatives à cet accord. Plus particulièrement, cette étude cherche à expliquer pourquoi et comment le gouvernement de l'Ontario a utilisé divers organismes environnementaux dans sa campagne anti-ALENA. L'article conclut que, si certains organismes environnementaux ont joué un rôle important dans la sensibilisation du public au sujet des répercussions environnementales potentielles de l'ALENA, ils ont aussi, par contre, véhiculé l'opposition de l'Ontario à cet accord.  相似文献   
227.
228.
This article is an overview of the distinguished career of Jesse Burkhead, Professor Emeritus, Maxwell School, Syracuse University, and for eight years editor of Public Budgeting & Finance. For forty years he has influenced the field of budgeting through his teaching, articles and books. The article reflects on some of Burkhead's budgetary principles and observations which remain relevant to today's decision making.  相似文献   
229.
Canada: Its Framework, Its Foibles, Its Future. By Allan E. Blakeney . 1988 Kenneth R. MacGregor Lecture. Navigating Meech Lake. Edited by Clive Thomson . Federal Leadership in Social and Economic Policy. By Peter M. Leslie . National Citizenships and Provincial Communities: A Review of Canadian Fiscal Federalism and Ethnonationalism in a Federal State: The Case of Canada. By Peter M. Leslie . Research Papers 23 and 24. Canada: The State of the Federation 1987–88. Edited by Peter M. Leslie and Ronald L. Watts .  相似文献   
230.
This papers brings together several strains of thought around an outline suggestion for reform of education administration and finance in the Southern Sudan. Administration has to be seen in terms of incentives and disincentives to action. The administration of the Southern Sudan constitutes the largest part of the elite of that part of the country and consumes most public funds as salaries. In political interactions with sections of the public there is a more pressing need to respond to the demands of educated youth for salaries than to make adequate provision for non-salary expenses of services to the public. But the system is not in a stable state and the full contradictions of the situation, for politicians, bureaucrats and public, are revealed by the financial restrictions enforced as a result of national debt and international recession. Politically leaders in government service and disaffected leaders in military opposition in the bush both continue to demand a fairer distribution of central resources. But the possibility of generating, at the grass-roots, both the resources necessary for non-salary costs and the necessary influence to demand services, is something which could be further explored in the interests of all parties. This is a potential new direction for reform in development administration.  相似文献   
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