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Ass.-Prof. Dr. Ulfried Terlitza 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2011,24(7-8):185-205
Dass Verwaltungshandlungen von Verfügungsma?nahmen deutlich abzugrenzen sind, entspricht dem Grundverst?ndnis von Mit- und Wohnungseigentum. Dass sich die Notwendigkeit einer klaren Grenzziehung zwischen diesen Bereichen nicht zuletzt aus den gesetzlichen Vorgaben, wie insb den unterschiedlichen Konsenserfordernissen, ableitet, erscheint ebenso unzweifelhaft. Umso augenf?lliger sind Bemühungen in Rechtsprechung, Lehre und auch Gesetzgebung, den Bereich der Verwaltungsagenden zu Lasten der Verfügungen best?ndig zu erweitern. Der vorliegende Beitrag soll derartige Tendenzen vor dem Hintergrund der lex lata hinterfragen. Es sollen typische Fallkonstellationen an der Grenze zwischen Verwaltung und Verfügung n?her beleuchtet und der Versuch unternommen werden, die Grenzlinien pr?ziser abzustecken. Wo die geltende Rechtslage zu unbefriedigenden Ergebnissen führen muss, sollen zudem m?gliche Auswege aufgezeigt werden. 相似文献
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Dr. Richard W. Boyd Paul R. Mencher Philip J. Paseltiner Ezra Paul Alexander S. Vajda 《Political Behavior》1988,10(3):197-213
This paper is an analysis of two rational choice theories of elections. Anthony Downs and Stanley Kelley's theories yield complementary interpretations of the 1984 U. S. election. Reagan's victory was based on both prospective and retrospective judgments as well as on candidate and policy considerations. Reagan won that element of an incumbent's reelection that is a referendum on his performance as president. However, people also voted on the basis of domestic and foreign policy preferences for the second term. On these issues voters preferred Mondale as much as Reagan. Reagan's victory owed remarkably little to his conservative agenda and to a warm regard for his personal qualities as a leader. His landslide was deceptive. The two Reagan victories were among the weakest of the six landslides of the postwar period by Kelley's test of decisiveness. The Reagan elections have not set the United States on the course of a long-term conservative agenda in either domestic or foreign affairs. 相似文献
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The widespread use over the past two decades of Michigan's PA 198 Industrial Tax Abatement program provides an opportunity to assess the inter‐urban equity impacts of this economic development tool. Not only has PA 198 been used relatively more often by suburban municipalities, local governments at the metropolitan periphery are more likely to use abatements to attract new plants and new jobs. The older central cities primarily use the program to retain existing jobs, albeit at high cost of lost tax revenues. On balance, it appears that PA 198 has done little to alter the location decisions of participating firms. 相似文献
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Herbert Obinger Dr. 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2002,43(2):235-271
Starting from the stylised fact that federal institutions are held to be inimical to welfare state expansion, this paper examines the ways in which federalism has shaped the dynamics of welfare state development in Switzerland and Austria. A comparison of these different federal polities reveals that the welfare breaking effect attached to federalism crucially depends on the extent of vertical power separation. In both countries economic competition among constituent units did not fuel a race to the bottom in social standards. In Switzerland, the most important reason connected to federalism for why federal social policy was delayed and downsized was policy-preemption by the cantons and their considerable influence on the federal policymaking process. In contrast, the Austrian Länder neither had major social policy competencies nor an effective veto power which allowed them to block the centralisation of public policy. Instead, federalism is subordinate to the partisan arena at the central state level which itself is dominated by political parties quite favourable to welfare state expansion. 相似文献
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How do German ministries manage the preparation of national negotiation positions for EU intergovernmental conference? After a survey of the debate on organizational deficits of the interministerial coordination in Germany, we are consulting decision- and organization-theoretic approaches in IR. Drawing on organizational economics we concretise and supplement these older frameworks. We conceive the management of a governmental organization as a specific aggregation of heterogeneous preferences and information. Applying social network analysis we take into account formal as well as informal aspects of coordination channels. The objective of this article is to make visible the complex structures and processes that constitute foreign policy making, and to provide a preliminary assessment of its efficiency. 相似文献