首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   247篇
  免费   7篇
各国政治   15篇
工人农民   18篇
世界政治   18篇
外交国际关系   24篇
法律   108篇
中国政治   5篇
政治理论   64篇
综合类   2篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   8篇
  2018年   10篇
  2017年   8篇
  2016年   7篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   9篇
  2013年   64篇
  2012年   7篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   4篇
  2008年   5篇
  2007年   12篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   5篇
  2004年   4篇
  2003年   3篇
  2002年   4篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   4篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   5篇
  1997年   4篇
  1996年   1篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   12篇
  1993年   1篇
  1992年   3篇
  1991年   3篇
  1990年   4篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   1篇
  1981年   2篇
  1979年   2篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   1篇
  1974年   2篇
  1973年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1966年   2篇
排序方式: 共有254条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
122.
The literature suggests that physical child abuse, sexual child abuse, paternal alcoholism, paternal unavailability, and domestic violence may be significant in development of childhood animal cruelty. Two groups of early- to late adolescent boys (CTA and N-CTA) in residential treatment for conduct disorder were compared in the current study on histories of these family risk factors. The adolescents in Group 1 were comprised of boys who had conduct problems with documented histories of animal cruelty (n = 50; CTA). Group 2 consisted of adolescent boys (n = 50; N-CTA) with conduct problems, but without documented histories of animal cruelty. Results showed that children in the CTA group had significantly greater histories of physical and/or sexual child abuse and domestic violence in comparison to children in the N-CTA group. These results suggest that physical and/or sexual abuse to a child, and exposure to domestic violence, may be significant in the development of childhood animal cruelty.  相似文献   
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
Although the international community has recently promoted legislation as an important reform strategy for ending female genital cutting (FGC), there exist divergent views on its potential effects. Supporters argue that legal prohibition of FGC has a general deterrent effect, while others argue legislation can be perceived as coercive, and derail local efforts to end the practice. This study examines the range of responses observed in rural Senegal, where a 1999 anti‐FGC law was imposed on communities in which the practice was being actively contested and targeted for elimination. Drawing on data from a mixed‐methods study, we analyze responses in relation to two leading theories on social regulation, the law and economics and law and society paradigms, which make divergent predictions on the interplay between social norms and legal norms. Among supporters of FGC, legal norms ran counter to social norms, and did little to deter the practice, and in some instances incited reactance or drove the practice underground. Conversely, where FGC was being contested, legislation served to strengthen the stance of those contemplating or favoring abandonment. We conclude that legislation can complement other reform strategies by creating an “enabling environment” that supports those who have or wish to abandon FGC.  相似文献   
128.
Using two years of intra‐household data from one area of the Papua New Guinea Highlands this article examines the impact of gender relations on household coffee production. Poor relative labour returns for women and the unequal distribution of tasks within the household were found to exert considerable influence on the level of household success in cultivating coffee. The article concludes with the construction of a model linking the intra‐household distribution of economic benefits, determinants of household resource allocation and underdevelopment.  相似文献   
129.
130.
Abstract

This article examines the political role of a group of academic lawyers based at Thammasat University who have been seeking to reform various aspects of the Thai legal and judicial system. The seven-member group started out by criticising the illegality of the 2006 coup. After the 2010 crackdown against redshirt protestors, the group named itself Nitirat and started to hold seminars, draft legal proposals, and campaign to amend various laws. Nitirat has repeatedly challenged the legal and constitutional underpinnings of three key elements of the Thai state: the judiciary, the military, and the monarchy. In doing so, the group has gained a mass following, drawn mainly from those sympathetic to the “redshirt” movement which broadly supports former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Informally led by scholar Worajet Pakeerat, Nitirat has created a popular branding which is reflected in huge audiences for public events, and the sales of souvenirs. The article aims to answer the following questions: How does Nitirat combine the roles of legal academic and political activist? How does it differ from the traditional mode of Thai public intellectuals? How significant is the Nitirat phenomenon?  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号