Comparative Green Politics: Beyond the European Context?

It is argued that there are significant differences between green electoral politics in Europe and green developments in the affluent non-European west, and that these are such that, despite the greater political formalization of the green movement in Western Europe, there is a sense in which North American and Antipodean developments are ultimately more fundamental than those that have occurred in Europe. Loosely adopting explanatory categories employed by Rudig and Lowe in a Political Studies article, we examine evidence under four sub-heads: electoral thresholds; the historical legacy of the environment movement; the different contextual roles played by the anti-nuclear movement and wilderness experience, and ecology, Marxism and the new left.     

Aid and ideology

Abstract. A conceptualization of international aid-giving behaviour, based on the notion of bounded rationality and involving the interaction of objective and subjective factors, is developed. From this conceptualization, four hypotheses are deduced to explain the variation of development aid expenditures as a percentage of GNP: the instrumental hypothesis, the humanitarian hypothesis, the ideological hypothesis, and the incremental hypothesis. These hypotheses are tested on data concerning aid allocations of 17 OECD donors for four points in time (1966, 1971, 1976, and 1981), through the use of a regression model. Results show that the model as a whole explains between 85% and 96% of the variance in the dependent variable. Tests of individual hypotheses show that the instrumental explanation is the best predictor of aid as a percentage of GNP if a lagged value of the dependent variable is used on the right-hand side of the equation. When the lagged value of the dependent variable is dropped from the equations, the best predictor is the ideological explanation. The contribution of the humanitarian explanation to the explained variance is negligible.     

Does Sex Matter to Democracy?

In order to isolate, theoretically, the vital mechanisms that constrain women as citizens in Western, democratic societies, it is necessary to go beyond explanations in terms of work, into sexuality However, it is not the practice of sexual coercion which, though a serious wrong, is fundamental in subordinating women in the formally free society; it is rather the freely given—and taken—love. Furthermore, if scrutinizing pre-democratic, anti-feminist arguments can help to reveal the situation today, it is the utilitarian view of women's sexual resources, rather than arguments about sexually differentiated—and inferior female— nature , which is crucial. Secondly, the concept of 'difference', now so popular among feminist writers, is important, especially when used empirically to avoid oversimplifying unity thinking about each of the sex/gender groups. But it is not tit for conceiving the power transactions going on in the socio-sexual process Furthermore. I suppose that one of the most important tasks of feminism is to balance the weights of (different) individuality and collectivity to mutually developmental values. Thirdly, women want more than 'equal chances', something other than 'equal results', and the 'different but equally valuable' must, to be women-worthy, be defined by women themselves. In a democratic society, if women are to be full and equal members, as leaders and led, then women and men have to be openly accepted as two fundamental, interested parties in society Finally, women should not claim this citizen status first and foremost as mothers, but simply as women. i e. as female, social 'incarnate subjects'.     

STATE-LOCAL RELATIONS AND THE AMERICAN JAIL CRISIS: AN ASSESSMENT OF STATE JAIL MANDATES

Years of neglect, combined with the recent development of a “hands on” judicial policy have resulted in a jail crisis in America. States, recognizing their contribution to this situation, have begun to develop policies designed to assist local jail officials in operating safe, humane, and constitutional facilities. These state efforts are a form o f mandating, and primarily concern minimum operating standards and inspections programs. In this research we investigate three questions related to state mandating of local jail operations: (1) what is the extent of state involvement, (2) what factors are associated with state involvement, and (3) what is the impact of state involvement? Our findings indicate (1) states have been active in developing and administering jail mandates, (2) state involvement is associated with state-level corrections policy, and (3) jail standards and inspections programs have a substantial impact on local jail performance. We conclude with a discussion of how state and local governments may proceed in the process of developing standards, inspections, and enforcement procedures.     

THE IMPACT OF STATE STANDARDS AND ENFORCEMENT PROCEDURES ON LOCAL JAIL PERFORMANCE

One of the recent trends in the field of criminal justice has been the development of state jail standards. The nature of local politics has meant that jails have been among the most poorly funded and operated governmental institutions. The result of decades of neglect is a fertile ground for inmate litigation. The interest shown by the courts, in a variety of operational and procedural areas, has been a key factor in leading many states to assume a greater role in local jail oversight. This article examines some of the problems facing jails and describes state efforts to address these problems through state-level jail standards and enforcement procedures.     

U.S. Customs Service User Fees: A Variety of Charges and Counter-Charges

User charges, which have become an important revenue enhancement device during the 1980s, have also raised a variety of counter-charges. This study examines three new mandatory Customs Service fees—for processing passengers, conveyances, and merchandise entering the United States and for special services at small airports—along with their differences and changes over time (in rate structure, exemptions, dedicated accounts, and disposition of funds). Despite support for the charges, opposition to some has arisen because of their cost to the private sector, violation of certain assumptions behind user fees, competing international obligations and policies, rival institutional interests and powers of Congress and the presidency, and changing fiscal conditions.     

Budget makers as agents: A preliminar investigation of discretionary behavior under state-contingent rewards

An earlier version of this essay was delivered at the Public Choice Society Meeting, Tucson AZ, 27–29 March 1987. Our thanks to Laura Langbein, Steve Maser, Eugenia Froedge-Toma, and Gordon Tullock for helpful comments. Special thanks to George Racette.