Beyond the World Food Summit

While most speakers at the 1996 World Food Summit expressed concern about the injustice that forces more than 800 million people worldwide to live with hunger, some sought solutions through economic and social development while others called for a more liberal marketplace. Among world leaders, only Fidel Castro raised issues and challenges that addressed some of the underlying causes of malnutrition. The Plan of Action that grew out of the Summit has only one measurable commitment, which is to halve the number of undernourished people by 2015. The other six commitments, while diluted, contain important objectives even though they give little emphasis to the underlying causes of poverty or hunger. The Summit process, however, did contribute to the fact that food-related issues are now placed higher on the world agenda because many of these issue were raised by civil service organizations (CSOs) at the Summit's parallel NGO (nongovernmental organization) forum. In fact, one of the most positive outcomes of the Summit may prove to be the increased effectiveness of the CSOs as a result of the creation of improved networks in preparation for the Summit. The CSOs contributed examples of how food security could be improved, published an active site on the World Wide Web, and challenged the statements of governments. In addition to raising trade issues, CSOs also lobbied for sustainable agriculture and agricultural biodiversity. In fact, CSOs may have to set a new action agenda for the formal sector to encourage development of new institutions and new global forums that give NGOs a place at the table.     

Testing the limits of freedom of contract: the commercialization of reproductive materials and services

This article examines the cases for and against commercializing, or "commodifying," reproductive materials and services. Using a supply/demand third-party framework, three basic scenarios in which commercial-exchange relationships may be possible--exchange of gametes and zygotes, exchange of gestational services, and exchange of fetal material--and the major parties of interest, or stakeholders, are identified. The study sketches the liberal, essentialist, and radical contingency theories that shape the debate over the commercialization of reproductive materials and services. The article then attempts to derive some basic governing principles that reflect as much common ground as possible amongst these various normative perspectives, while recognizing that complete reconciliation is impossible. Taken together, these principles are designed to reflect a strategy of "constrained commodification," where commercialization or commodification, that is, financial remuneration, plays a relatively neutral role in the utilization of reproductive materials and services. In light of these principles, the article concludes by sketching legal and regulatory regimes with respect to the exchange of gametes and zygotes, gestational services, and fetal tissue.