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911.
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H E Ehrhardt 《Archiv für Kriminologie》1973,152(5):129-145
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The relationship between subjective invulnerability and optimism bias in risk appraisal, and their comparative association
with indices of risk activity, substance use and college adjustment problems was assessed in a sample of 350 (M
age = 20.17; 73% female; 93% White/European American) emerging adults. Subjective invulnerability was measured with the newly
devised adolescent invulnerability scale (AIS). Optimism bias in decision-making was assessed with a standard comparative-conditional
risk appraisal task. Results showed that the danger- and psychological invulnerability subscales of the AIS demonstrated strong
internal consistency and evidence of predictive validity. Subjective invulnerability and optimism bias were also shown to
be empirically distinct constructs with differential ability to predict risk and adjustment. Danger invulnerability and psychological
invulnerability were more pervasively associated with risk behavior than was optimism bias; and psychological invulnerability
counter-indicated depression, self-esteem and interpersonal problems. Results support recent claims regarding the “two faces”
of adolescent invulnerability. Implications for future research are drawn. 相似文献
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Research Summary Crime reduction policy has focused almost exclusively on offenders. Recent studies and evaluations show that expanding our policy portfolio to include places may be highly productive. We show that there is considerable research showing that crime is concentrated at a relatively few locations, that high-crime places are stable, that changing places can reduce crime, that displacement is not only far from inevitable but also less likely than the diffusion of crime prevention benefits, and that owners of high-crime places can be held accountable for the criminogenic conditions of their locations. We link these findings to environmental policy, where environmental scientists, economists, and regulators have developed a broad set of regulatory options. The core of this article describes a portfolio of environmental policy instruments directly applicable to crime places. We also discuss major decisions local governments will need to make to implement various forms of regulation, and we list challenges that governments must anticipate in planning for such implementation. We argue that a regulatory approach to crime places has the potential to lower the cost to taxpayers of reducing crime by shifting costs from governments to the relatively few place owners whose actions create crime-facilitating conditions. Policy Implications Taking a regulatory approach to crime places substantially expands the crime policy options under consideration. Regulatory options may increase local governments’ effectiveness at reducing crime while reducing governments’ costs. This is because regulatory approaches have the potential to shift some portion of the financial burden for crime fighting to owners of criminogenic locations. Policy makers can select between means-based anticrime regulations that focus on how place owners manage their locations and ends-based regulations that focus on the number of crimes allowed at places. Both of these approaches contain several alternative regulatory instruments, each with its own set of advantages and disadvantages. Experimenting with various regulatory instruments could lead to the development of a range of new crime reduction policies. In addition, a regulatory approach has implications for the funding of policy research. Means-based regulatory instruments require governments to develop evidence that the means they regulate have the desired impact on crime. Ends-based regulatory instruments shift this burden to the regulated places. 相似文献
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大学生社会实践是高校思想政治教育的重要环节,是大学生全面成长的重要途径。在高等教育大众化阶段,要抓好大学生社会实践工作,建立与大众化高等教育相适应的社会实践的长效机制。文章详细阐述了大学生社会实践活动的重要意义,针对目前大学生社会实践面临的困难进行了分析、讨论并提出建立社会实践长效机制的原则和途径。 相似文献
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David E. Vassberg 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):62-75
Peasant children in sixteenth‐century Castile helped their families with various domestic chores and agropastoral jobs. Used as unpaid workers, they enabled the typical peasant family to diversify its activities, and often to raise its standard of living. Hired juvenile workers were also quite important in Golden Age Castile. These seemingly entered the job market because their own families lacked the resources to enable them to remain at home. The experience of active participation in productive activities served all juvenile workers, whether paid or unpaid, as a sort of apprenticeship in preparation for adult membership in the peasant community. 相似文献