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41.
P. A. J. Waddington Otto Adang David Baker Christopher Birkbeck Thomas Feltes Luis Gerardo Gabaldón Eduardo Paes Machado Philip Stenning 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,52(2):111-138
This article focuses on a research project conducted in six jurisdictions: England, The Netherlands, Germany, Australia, Venezuela,
and Brazil. These societies are very different ethnically, socially, politically, economically, historically and have wildly
different levels of crime. Their policing arrangements also differ significantly: how they are organised; how their officers
are equipped and trained; what routine operating procedures they employ; whether they are armed; and much else besides. Most
relevant for this research, they represent policing systems with wildly different levels of police shootings, Police in the
two Latin American countries represented here have a justified reputation for the frequency with which they shoot people,
whereas at the other extreme the police in England do not routinely carry firearms and rarely shoot anyone. To probe whether
these differences are reflected in the way that officers talk about the use of force, police officers in these different jurisdictions
were invited to discuss in focus groups a scenario in which police are thwarted in their attempt to arrest two youths (one
of whom is a known local criminal) by the youths driving off with the police in pursuit, and concludes with the youths crashing
their car and escaping in apparent possession of a gun, It might be expected that focus groups would prove starkly different,
and indeed they were, but not in the way that might be expected. There was little difference in affirmation of normative and
legal standards regarding the use of force. It was in how officers in different jurisdictions envisaged the circumstances
in which the scenario took place that led Latin American officers to anticipate that they would shoot the suspects, whereas
officers in the other jurisdictions had little expectation that they would open fire in the conditions as they imagined them
to be.
相似文献
P. A. J. Waddington (Corresponding author)Email: |
Otto AdangEmail: |
David BakerEmail: |
Christopher BirkbeckEmail: |
Thomas FeltesEmail: |
Luis Gerardo GabaldónEmail: |
Eduardo Paes MachadoEmail: |
Philip StenningEmail: |
42.
43.
Eduardo Uziel 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2019,30(1):1-25
In 1953, the Brazilian government decided to advance a plan for the demilitarisation and internationalisation of Jerusalem within a 50-kilometre radius. After consultations, the Holy See initially perceived the Brazilian initiative as agreeable. Also approached, the United States and Britain distrusted the plan, thinking they were dealing with a Papal overture. Israel suspected the Holy See to be behind the initiative and distrusted its intentions. For a few months, rumours stirred concern in the interested parties. After confusing mutual consultations, the Holy See did not really support the initiative and finally rejected and abandoned it. The fate of Brazil’s plan is relevant to understand the stalemate about the fate of Jerusalem, divided by Israel and Jordan, in the early years of the Cold War. Washington and London had already abandoned efforts to solve the issue through the United Nations but were unable to produce an alternative. Although attached to the prospect of internationalisation, the Holy See did not entertain the possibility of negotiating the city’s future. Brazil was making its initial foray into a more universalistic foreign policy and experimenting with different possible identities—Catholic, Western, peaceful—to substantiate its interest in making a broader contribution to international politics. 相似文献
44.
Socioeconomic factors are heavily shaping the COVID-19 pandemic in South America. Consequently, societies are now facing the stark effects of lockdown, while largely failing to stop the epidemic. In Chile, this has been amplified by decision-makers who have overlooked critical socio-spatial aspects of the epidemic. Precarious living conditions, together with spatial segregation and unstable domestic economies, help explain why mitigation strategies remain unsuccessful. The article also explores how political frameworks for approaching these issues may change because of the pandemic. 相似文献
45.
Eduardo Posada-Carbó 《议会、议员及代表》2017,37(2):119-129
SUMMARYSince their origins, congresses played significant roles in the emerging states of Latin America following independence from Spain. Yet their protagonism has been overshadowed by the so-called caudillos, the strongmen who seem to have dominated the politics of the region during most of the nineteenth century. This article argues that congresses were central political actors in Latin America during the century and it does so by examining their various functions. Congresses served to form governments, to define the legislative agenda and to limit the power of the executive. Congress was the institution around which political parties and their leaders were formed, while the practices of representative government developed. 相似文献
46.
Eduardo Baistrocchi 《The Modern law review》2012,75(4):547-577
This article aims to offer the first structural analysis of tax disputes under institutional instability using a core element of the international tax regime as an example. It offers a theory grounded on Mancur Olson's seminal contribution to group dynamics, the logic of collective action. It also suggests implications of this theory that might help to address key enforcement issues faced by the international tax regime in a frequent context worldwide: institutionally unstable countries. 相似文献
47.
Eduardo Moncada 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2013,48(3):308-330
What explains variation in local government policy responses to urban violence? Existing research on the politics of urban violence overlooks the pivotal role that private sector interests play in shaping the public provision of security in major developing world cities faced with conditions of intense violence. I argue that business is a pivotal political actor that mobilizes through powerful private sector institutions to shape policy responses to urban violence in ways that advance its economic interests and preserve its privileged status in local political arenas. The security policy preferences of business vary across economic sectors due to variation in relations to urban space and violence. This cross-sectoral variation in security policy preferences generates both opportunities and challenges for political and societal actors that seek to stem and prevent urban violence. Analysis of puzzling variation in policy responses across Colombia's three principal cities—Medellin, Cali, and Bogota—and over time within each shows that a focus on business can strengthen our understanding of the politics of urban violence and, more broadly, its implications for development. 相似文献
48.
This paper examines the approval of government bills in Chile, evaluating the effect of presidential prerogatives and policy substance, and considering both bill-specific and contextual effects. The results show that presidential prerogatives over financial policy, as well as the ability to affect the congressional agenda through urgent bill scheduling, significantly influence government bill approval. As expected, government success is enhanced during the honeymoon period. However, changes in public approval of the president do not appear to exert a significant effect on the passage of presidential bills. 相似文献
49.
Crime, Law and Social Change - This paper examines northbound crossings of personal vehicles and pedestrians from Mexico to the U.S. Sample size from January 1997 to December 2019 includes the... 相似文献
50.
Toscanini U Gusmão L Berardi G Amorim A Carracedo A Salas A Raimondi E 《Forensic science international》2007,165(1):35-40
Fifteen autosomal short tandem repeat (STR) markers (D3S1358, HUMTH01, D21S11, D18S51, PENTA E, D5S818, D13S317, D7S820, D16S539, CSF1PO, PENTA D, HUMvWA, D8S1179, HUMTPOX, FGA) were analyzed in 1734 individuals living in urban areas of cities from six different Argentinian provinces (Buenos Aires, Neuquén, Tucumán, La Pampa, San Luis, Santa Cruz) in order to determine if a common urban database could be used in Argentina for forensic purposes. Frequencies estimates, Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium (HWE), and other parameters of forensic interest were computed. Comparisons between the six populations, and with published data from one Native American population from Argentina and other urban populations from Argentina and Europe were also performed. Our results reveal evidences for population structure, both when testing for genetic differentiation and when comparing frequencies distributions between different pairs of populations. Therefore, caution should be taken when using a common pooled database with general forensic purposes in Argentina. 相似文献