Cooperation and competition in public welfare policies

Present public welfare policies and various proposals for reforming them do not often exploit the advantages of cooperation between otherwise competing altruists. The article examines this principle from a number of perspectives. It shows first how the advantages of the existing cooperative payments structure could be lost in some widely-publicized welfare reform proposals, and it makes a suggestion for retaining these advantages. The article next shows how the same principle could be used to improve existing incentives for private giving. Finally, it uses the same logic to rationalize newly evolving notions of sharing responsibility between governments and the recipients themselves.     

Racial differences among shelter residents: A comparison of anglo,black, and hispanic battered

The implications of racial differences for shelter services has become an increasing concern with the expansion and development of shelters for battered women. This study employs bivariate cross-tabulations and discriminant analysis of shelter intake and exit interviews to determine the most influential variables in differentiating anglo, black, and hispanic women. The groups appear to be differentiated most by income and marital related variables, and very little by abuse and help-seeking variables. The findings suggest that the greatest differences overall are between anglo and hispanic women, and that additional economic and educational supports need to be directed to the hispanic group.     

Service Contact and Delivery of a Shelter Outreach Project

An experimental outreach program offered shelter-based support groups or phone counseling to battered women in the criminal and civil courts. The outreach project attempted to contact 1,895 eligible women drawn from the court dockets. Nearly 50% of these women could not be reached, another third refused services, and about a fifth of the women accepted either the shelter-based counseling or phone counseling. However, only 19% (n = 71) of those who accepted service (or less than 4% of the total eligible women) actually participated in the service. The women refused services primarily because they did not feel they needed them; they accepted service mainly to get help with their emotions. The women who participated in the shelter-based counseling tended to be of a higher social economic status than women who generally contacted the courts. The main problems for the women in phone counseling was recurring abuse from their partners and getting help for their children. The findings may suggest different types of battered women that warrant different strategies to reach them. The outreach efforts might be further developed, as well, to more actively recruit and engage women in general.     

Democracy,dictatorship and decision costs

This paper tries to help bridge the inductive and the deductive traditions in the study of democracy. I identify two empirical patterns, which I call the paradox of conflict and the paradox of decision importance. More conflict ridden societies are both less likely to be democracies, and, when democratic, more likely to be consensual rather than majoritarian. Similarly, important (revolutionary, regime-transforming) decisions are less likely to be democratic but, when democratic, they are more likely to be consensual. I use a decision-cost-minimizing model of democracy to explain those patterns. The model is developed out of the metaphor of institutions as decision producing firms, attempting to maximize quality and minimize cost of those decisions. Its main intellectual source is the transaction cost-minimizing view of organizations but the formalism owes most to Buchanan and Tullock's Calculus of Consent.     

The Politics of Contemporary Black Conservatism in the United States

At first sight, the themes associated with contemporary black conservatism appear to replicate the concerns of the American right more generally. However, although there are black conservative intellectuals and activists who draw on US constitutional tradition and neo-classical economics, others derive their politics from notions of racial solidarity. This form of black conservatism rests on particular constructions of black masculinity, and invokes images of a past age when black communities were both intact and stable. It regards integrationism with suspicion and hostility. However, it also offers a relatively optimistic vision of future developments that can be contrasted with the more constrained ambitions which characterise 'mainstream' American conservatism today.