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181.
Gerrymandering in America: The House of Representatives,the Supreme Court,and the Future of Popular Sovereignty by Anthony J. McGann,Charles Anthony Smith,Michael Latner,and Alex Keena.
New York,
Cambridge University Press,
2016. 216 pages. Paper, $34.99.
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Barry C. Edwards 《Political science quarterly》2017,132(4):766-768
182.
Julia R. Correll Sarah Cusworth Walker Todd C. Edwards 《Journal of family violence》2017,32(2):243-255
Child-to-parent abuse (CPA) is an under-addressed form of family violence and relatively few resources are available for families experiencing CPA. The Step-Up program is a CPA-specific, family-level, group format intervention program in King County, Washington. Qualitative and long-term research on CPA intervention programs is lacking, and it is unknown how parents perceive the effects of participating in Step-Up after program completion. Fifteen parents who completed Step-Up with their adolescent child participated in individual semi-structured telephone or in-person interviews. Participants were asked about their perceptions of the effects of Step-Up participation, how they and their child have used skills taught in the program, and which program features were most and least effective. Participants expressed largely positive effects of participating in Step-Up, including decreased violent behavior by their adolescents and improved parent-child relationships. Recommendations for improving Step-Up included the inclusion of follow-up sessions to further reinforce behavior change and increased program accessibility. 相似文献
183.
Jason Edwards 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(4):629-636
‘Gastronationalism’ is the idea that there are distinctive and authentic national food cultures that are threatened by the forces of globalisation. It is a myth: there are no unique or authentically distinctive national culinary cultures. But the idea of gastronationalism is a powerful one that can have important political effects, as Brexit shows. In this article, I chart the rise of British food with regard to Britain’s historical relationship with Europe and the EU. I consider how different understandings of British food culture—one more nativist, one more cosmopolitan—have played a symbolic role in the debate on Brexit, before considering the broader relationship between contemporary populist nationalism and gastronationalism. 相似文献
184.
Margaret E. Edwards 《拉美政治与社会》2015,57(2):111-131
This article examines the issue of presidential failure in South America by evaluating the multiple factors that create risk of resignation, removal, or impeachment of presidents. The study draws on various economic variables that have not been thoroughly investigated in the past and uses survival analysis to identify what factors are influential. In performing this testing, the importance of variables such as civil protest, executive wrongdoing, and specific measures of economic hardship—inflation and prolonged recession—becomes clear. Majority legislative support also remains significant, supporting early arguments about the influence of presidential institutions. This investigation provides a unique perspective on presidential survival while evaluating the importance of previously excluded variables in a comprehensive manner. 相似文献
185.
186.
To deal with externalities associated with electricity generation, under the Polluter Pays Principles (PPP), companies can be made to pay the compliance costs and then pass these costs incurred on to the end-users by charging a higher price per kWh of electricity used. However, there is a need for an optimal liability scheme, in terms of economic efficiency, equity and ethics in a world of favor seeking politics. With implicit weighting of welfare gains and losses to society, we developed supply-demand models. By incorporating plausible parameter values into the models, the optimal liability shares fell to less 100 percent (full) liability. However, the model is very sensitive to changes in the parameter values. 相似文献
187.
188.
Meredith Edwards 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2002,61(2):51-61
Governments in many countries today find themselves in unchartered waters as they attempt to redefine their role, including how they relate to the business and community sectors and to citizens more broadly. There is currently a serious questioning of what are the appropriate structures, institutions, processes and organisational relationships required in an environment placing much more emphasis on collaboration with partners within the public sector and also outside it. Globalisation and the increased importance placed on competition, increased use and variety of information technologies and changes in values and political beliefs have contributed to this new environment (for example, see Davis and Keating 2000; Edwards 2001). Alongside this, and particularly noticeable in Australia, is a public sector facing uncertainties as it attempts to adopt private sector governance practices in the belief that this will lead to greater efficiency in achieving outcomes. 相似文献
189.
Phil Edwards 《Critical Criminology》2013,21(2):211-225
‘Newsmaking criminology’ is an approach to criminological research characterised by critical engagement with topics being covered by the news media, offering greater engagement with public debate and reflexive critique of the objects of criminological knowledge. Two examples of Brisith criminological researchers taking an identifiable ‘newsmaking’ approach are discussed in this paper: the Anti-Social Behaviour One Day Count, a 24-h comprehensive survey of reports of anti-social behaviour carried out in 2003, and the 24-h Domestic Violence Audit, carried out in 2000. This paper analyses the construction of knowledge of anti-social behaviour through the Day Count, identifying continuities and discontinuities between the Day Count and the Domestic Violence Audit. This leads to a discussion of the strengths and limitations of the ‘newsmaking’ approach, suggesting that it may serve conservative as well as progressive ends. 相似文献
190.
Today, more regulatory provisions are in place for protecting low‐income minority populations who shoulder a disproportionate amount of environmental risk. Recognized as communities of “environmental justice,” industrial facilities located within these areas bear greater legal liabilities for and societal scrutiny of their environmental impacts. The authors offer compelling evidence that, in an effort to avoid regulatory and societal claims that they are disproportionately harming minority and ethnic populations, businesses operating inside environmental justice communities tend to adopt an environmental management system (EMS). The article probes whether industries actually improve the environment as a consequence of EMS adoption or whether such systems are simply used to avoid greater governmental scrutiny without necessarily reducing overall environmental risks. 相似文献