首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   123篇
  免费   2篇
各国政治   7篇
工人农民   1篇
世界政治   14篇
外交国际关系   3篇
法律   46篇
政治理论   50篇
综合类   4篇
  2019年   2篇
  2018年   4篇
  2017年   4篇
  2016年   2篇
  2015年   3篇
  2014年   3篇
  2013年   15篇
  2012年   3篇
  2011年   4篇
  2010年   5篇
  2009年   2篇
  2008年   1篇
  2007年   5篇
  2006年   2篇
  2005年   2篇
  2004年   3篇
  2003年   3篇
  2002年   4篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   2篇
  1999年   3篇
  1997年   1篇
  1996年   4篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   2篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   2篇
  1989年   3篇
  1987年   2篇
  1986年   4篇
  1985年   1篇
  1983年   2篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   3篇
  1979年   2篇
  1977年   1篇
  1976年   1篇
  1975年   1篇
  1974年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1969年   1篇
  1967年   1篇
  1966年   3篇
  1965年   2篇
  1964年   1篇
  1956年   1篇
  1955年   1篇
排序方式: 共有125条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
This article provides an in‐depth assessment of lone actor terrorists’ attack planning and preparation. A codebook of 198 variables related to different aspects of pre‐attack behavior is applied to a sample of 55 lone actor terrorists. Data were drawn from open‐source materials and complemented where possible with primary sources. Most lone actors are not highly lethal or surreptitious attackers. They are generally poor at maintaining operational security, leak their motivations and capabilities in numerous ways, and generally do so months and even years before an attack. Moreover, the “loneness” thought to define this type of terrorism is generally absent; most lone actors uphold social ties that are crucial to their adoption and maintenance of the motivation and capability to commit terrorist violence. The results offer concrete input for those working to detect and prevent this form of terrorism and argue for a re‐evaluation of the “lone actor” concept.  相似文献   
22.
A 4-year decline culminating in a collapse of school leaver exam results sent shockwaves through the Tanzanian state education system. Students and citizens attribute the collapse to visible deficiencies in classroom teaching, which is the product of a complex, government-administered system of teacher training colleges, schools, schools inspectorate, an examinations council, and a curriculum development institution. A model of the system is constructed and ‘interrogated’ to establish a research framework of key questions and propositions for functional analysis and evaluation of the system.  相似文献   
23.
The European Union has some of the world's most ambitious and highly developed environmental laws on its books, but their effectiveness is severely compromised by non-compliance. With the UNECE Aarhus Convention (1998), Europe launched an innovative legal experiment, democratizing environmental enforcement by conferring third party citizens and environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) with legal rights of access to environmental information, public participation, and access to justice in environmental matters. Based on some 2000 surveys and over 150 interviews with stakeholders from three Member States – France, Ireland, and the Netherlands – we adopt a holistic, 360° perspective, capturing the views of regulated parties, NGOs, and the general public on this private governance experiment. Our data provide important new insights into the practical effectiveness of Europe's laws enabling private environmental enforcement, its (intended and unintended) effects on farmers' compliance decisions in the vital area of nature conservation, and how law might be used to stimulate pro-environmental predispositions.  相似文献   
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
This article puts forward a provisional framework, at best, of Trumpism, in order to explore some of the potential political, social, cultural, and global implications of it. In particular, this article explores Trumpism’s discursive ambiguity: how Trumpism appears to be one thing (for example, populist), and then appears to be another (for example, elitist). The framework draws from a wide-range of reputable journalism and scholarly literature, but notably borrows from Sheldon Wolin’s theory of “inverted totalitarianism,” specifically Wolin’s use of “inverted” to compensate for Trumpism’s ambiguity. In so doing, this article moves Wolin’s thesis forward as it relates to Trumpism. In the final analysis, the question is not whether Trumpism is fascist (yes, it is) or how similar it is to Wolin’s inverted totalitarianism. Instead, Trumpism compels us to confront whether the United States has, to some degree, always been fascist, and what does that inverted American-style fascism look like?  相似文献   
30.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号