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141.
Ukraine's anti‐government protests in 2013–2014, and the ensuing removal of President Yanukovich, raised much speculation about Russia's role in the outcome of the crisis, as well as more general questions related to third‐party influence on domestic protests and repression. Does third‐party assistance to the government increase the level of government repression or deter protesters? Does the leader removal indicate that foreign involvement was a failure? Or can a third party gain from involvement, even if its protégé leader is removed from power? We model external influence on the onset of protests and repression as a game between the government, the protesters, and a third party that supports the government. The main finding is that a third party may “bankroll” repression against the protesters, even at the risk of the removal of their protégé leader, with the goal of deterring future protests within its sphere of interest. 相似文献
142.
Elena Borghi 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》2016,114(1):143-145
143.
High resolution Y chromosome typing: 19 STRs amplified in three multiplex reactions 总被引:26,自引:0,他引:26
Bosch E Lee AC Calafell F Arroyo E Henneman P de Knijff P Jobling MA 《Forensic science international》2002,125(1):42-51
Nineteen Y-specific short tandem repeat (STR) loci have been amplified in 768 samples from the Iberian Peninsula in order to evaluate their usefulness in forensic casework. Two previously published multiplex reactions by Thomas et al. [Hum. Genet. 6 (1999) 577] (MS1, modified here: DYS19, DYS388, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392 and DYS393) and by Ayub et al. [Nucl. Acids Res. 28 (2000) e8] (CTS: DYS434, DYS435, DYS436, DYS437, DYS438 and DYS439) plus a novel one reported here (EBF: DYS385, DYS389, DYS460, DYS461, DYS462 and amelogenin) have been used. DYS385, DYS439 and DYS391 were the most informative loci with allele diversities of 0.7997, 0.6683 and 0.5940, respectively. A total of 635 different haplotypes were observed, of which 573 (90.24%) were found in single individuals. The overall haplotype diversity was 0.9988 and that obtained by each multiplex system was 0.9812 for EBF, 0.9292 for MS1 and 0.9089 for CTS. 相似文献
144.
Maria Papadakaki Eleni Petridou Elena Petelos Evi Germeni Manolis Kogevinas Christos Lionis 《Journal of family violence》2014,29(4):371-379
The study explored the perceptions and practices of general practitioners (GPs) regarding the identification and management of victimized patients in primary care settings. A qualitative study was conducted employing three focus groups and a total of 18 GPs drawn from Greek General Practice Networks. Participants discussed issues of identification, assessment, recording, and referral of victimized patients at their clinical setting. Important points raised were the role ambiguity in the management of the victimized patients, the lack of confidence in diagnosing the problem, the discomfort in discussing Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) with their patients, the mistrust in the referral services, and the confidentiality issues affecting their recording practices. This preliminary information is expected to guide large-scale surveys and future interventions. 相似文献
145.
Elena Chebankova 《欧亚研究》2007,59(2):279-302
This article provides an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that are required to ensure the effective functioning of federalism in Russian politics. A common contention in the literature on federalism is that, in addition to fundamental requirements such as the constitutionally defined division of powers between the federation and its constituent units, and the supremacy of the federal constitution, some ancillary structures are necessary. Of particular importance are institutions of inter-governmental co-operation, transparent means for the mobility of officials between the centre and the regions, and integrated systems of national parties. The functioning of these institutions must also reflect the culture and ethic of federalism. This article examines how well these three factors have been implemented in Russia in the course of Putin's reforms. It is shown that a preliminary network of such institutions has been created. However, their operational ethic, and in particular the lack of commitment to federal values, it is argued, could act as an impediment to the successful evolution of the federal state in Russia. 相似文献
146.
147.
148.
Mark A. Boyer Donald Gordon Makram Haluani Elena N. Kasimovskaya Ki –Jung Kim Zlatko abi Patrick J. McGowan & Philip Nel 《国际研究展望》2002,3(3):235-257
Thanks to a suggestion made by Tim Shaw (Dalhousie University), the Editors of ISP decided about a year ago to commission a discussion of the textbook Power, Wealth and Global Order: An International Relations Textbook for Africa. This symposium aims at increasing our understanding of the different, regionally specific perspectives that can be brought to bear when studying international relations outside of North America and Western Europe. We want to thank Prof. Donald Gordon for the time he spent on examining the volume at hand and for his insightful analysis of the contribution made by the editors and authors of the textbook. Based on this discussion, we then asked four other authors from diverse areas of the world (Venezuela, Korea, Slovenia, and Russia) to read Prof. Gordon's analysis and respond to a set of questions we posed to them. Those questions and their comments follow Prof. Gordon's essay. We would also like to invite other ISA members from anywhere in the world to comment on this subject, as a continuing effort to engage important pedagogical topics in the pages of ISP. 相似文献
149.
150.
A distinction is made between two types of prosocial behavior: personal-helping and righteous behavior. Past studies suggest
that sympathy may motivate personal helping but not righteous behavior. The latter may be better predicted by feelings of
moral outrage and existential guilt. An experiment was designed to motivate a piece of righteous behavior, the writing of
a political letter to stop the testing of nuclear weapons. A series of premeasures ascertained strength of attitude, sense
of efficacy, acceptance of responsibility, and prior antinuclear behavior. Subjects who supported a nuclear freeze were exposed
to material advocating a nuclear test ban, a video of a congressional aide who argued for the efficacy of writing letters
to congressional representatives, and emotionally arousing material on the bombing of Hiroshima. After answering a questionnaire
that included items to measure emotional state, subjects were individually given the opportunity to write a letter as they
were waiting to be interviewed. Social pressure was deliberately minimized. Extent of moral outrage predicted both previous
behavior and letter-writing behavior during the experiment. It combined with previous behavior and sense of efficacy to predict
56% of the variance in experimental behavior: Neither sympathy nor existential guilt were significantly related to this righteous
behavior. 相似文献