全文获取类型
收费全文 | 188篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 17篇 |
工人农民 | 13篇 |
世界政治 | 10篇 |
外交国际关系 | 19篇 |
法律 | 79篇 |
政治理论 | 52篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 26篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 14篇 |
2007年 | 13篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 8篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 11篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有194条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
81.
Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(1):73-85
The military had been concerned about military patriotic education for a long time when Putin's Patriotic Education Programme was published. As soon as the collapse of the Soviet Union occurred, followed a few years later by the creation of the Russian armed forces, they had already been developing patriotic education programmes aimed primarily at youth, aided by veterans of local wars, both volunteers and recruits. The aim of this article is to show that the military version of patriotic education aims openly to encourage military service, and that the Russian state will try to enlist veterans of the Afghanistan and Chechen wars in activities linked to military patriotic education and its spread in military and civilian spheres. Our hypothesis is that the determination to bring veterans together around a common project has two aims: (1) to federate veterans around the authorities and (2) to channel a population that escapes government control and some of whose excesses on their return to civilian life (violence towards the population in the context of their function, for veterans of the Interior Ministry in particular) have darkened the image of the ministries known as the “power” ministries. 相似文献
82.
Cameron G. Thies 《安全研究》2013,22(4):689-717
One of the common criticisms of Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics is that its structural model is rather spare. This paper enriches neorealism by specifying the conditioning effects of competition and socialization operating on behalf of the international structure. Despite its neglected status in neorealist theory, I argue that socialization produces important effects on interstate interaction. I develop a model of the socialization process that uses role theory to demonstrate how interstate interaction is structured at the micro-level. Consistent with neorealism, the model assumes that socialization is heavily conditioned by material capabilities, and operates mainly on the adjustment of state behavior. I analyze several episodes of U.S. history to demonstrate that neorealism can explain how unit-level behavior is structured through socialization. The resulting elaboration of neorealism offers a more fully specified structural theory of international politics. 相似文献
83.
Wallace J. Thies 《European Security》2013,22(1):29-50
Abstract This paper focuses on the NATO-in-crisis literature, particularly the variant claiming that the Atlantic Alliance is facing its worst crisis ever. The paper argues that this approach is an analytical dead-end, incapable of producing new, cumulative knowledge about NATO in particular and alliances in general. It also suggests ways of getting out of the blind alley that the NATO-in-crisis literature has become. 相似文献
84.
85.
Elisabeth Chaves 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):507-521
Michel Foucault in his lecture “What is Critique?” argues that criticism offered a response to the state's developing art of governing in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Instead of accepting the state's way of governing, critics presented alternative visions of not being quite so governed or of not being governed thusly. Similarly, in the latter half of the twentieth century, factions within academic disciplines also rejected their disciplines' mode of governing and created alternatives. In response to the desire to make political science more relevant and visible, the Caucus for a New Political Science formed as an alternative to the American Political Science Association. A similar trend occurred in other disciplines. Over the next few decades a number of academic journals were founded that included the word “critical” in their titles or explicitly stated a “critical” aim or approach. However, even dissenting academic groups, like the Caucus for a New Political Science, began to be reabsorbed within their disciplinary homes. With time, many of these groups succumbed to a degree of professionalization that perhaps inhibited their larger aspirations. As Foucault argues, the critical attitude does not reject governing altogether; it is not a call for anarchy. Rather, it demands an alternative to the current governance. The question becomes how to maintain the critical attitude while also building alternative institutions. Does institution building attenuate critique? And what then is critique? This article reflects on these questions by providing a brief study of “critical” disciplinary reorganizations, with greater attention to the Caucus for a New Political Science and its journal, New Political Science. 相似文献
86.
Möckel Stefan Baake Marieke Bartkowski Bartosz Henn Elisabeth Veronika Strauch Michael Stubenrauch Jessica 《Natur und Recht》2022,44(9):611-621
Natur und Recht - Die global steigenden Treibhausgase verändern in zunehmenden Maße auch in Deutschland die klimatischen Verhältnisse. Betroffen sind insbesondere hiesige... 相似文献
87.
Rynning E 《European journal of health law》2007,14(2):105-112
The development of information and communication technology in health care, also called eHealth, is expected to improve patient safety and facilitate more efficient use of limited resources. The introduction of electronic health records (EHRs) can make possible immediate, even automatic transfer of patient data, for health care as well as other purposes, across any kind of institutional, regional or national border. Data can thus be shared and used more effectively for quality assurance, disease surveillance, public health monitoring and research. eHealth may also facilitate patient access to health information and medical treatment, and is seen as an effective tool for patient empowerment. At the same time, eHealth solutions may jeopardize both patient safety and patients' rights, unless carefully designed and used with discretion. The success of EHR systems will depend on public trust in their compatibility with fundamental rights, such as privacy and confidentiality. Shared European EHR systems require interoperability not only with regard to technological and semantic standards, but also concerning legal, social and cultural aspects. Since the area of privacy and medical confidentiality is far from harmonized across Europe, we are faced with a diversity that will make fully shared EHR systems a considerable challenge. 相似文献
88.
An unknown male body was found near an expressway in Germany. As different criminalistic and forensic methods (e.g. tooth status, fingerprint or DNA-analysis) could not help to identify the person, multielement stable isotope investigations were applied. The combined analysis of stable isotope ratios of light (H, C, N) and heavy elements (Pb, Sr) on the man's body tissues supported to assign him to Romania. The case report demonstrates an application of multielement-isotope analysis in the forensic fields and its potential. 相似文献
89.
Elisabeth Martin Marie-Pascale Pomey Pierre-Gerlier Forest 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2010,53(4):467-488
Abstract: This article focuses on Quebec's most recent reform in the regionalization of health care to understand why the government chose to transform the regional boards into agencies. This case study used interviews and documentary analysis. Rooted in a political science perspective, the conceptual framework is inspired by the work of John Kingdon (1995) and draws on the four variables that influence the choice of policy: ideas, interests, institutions and events. Results of the case study suggest that Quebec's Commission of Study for Health and Social Services (the Clair Commission) in 2000 and the 2002 pre-electoral environment put the issue on the agenda. In 2003, the newly elected Liberal government passed Bill 25 – An Act Respecting Local Health and Social Services Network Development Agencies, which represented a political compromise: originally slated for eradication, the regional tier survived but in a new form. The element that sparked reform was the change in government following the elections. Different inquiry reports spread the reform's ideas, while interest groups articulated contrasting visions on the transformation. Above all, regional institutions showed great resilience in the face of change. From a historical perspective, this regionalization policy is a step backward: the regional tier is now stronger from a managerial and technocratic point of view, but it is politically and democratically weakened. This suggests a government intention, at that time, to maintain the regional level as a means of retaining centralized control over Quebec's health-care system. 相似文献
90.