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271.
272.
Harald Schoen 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):68-91
In this paper, I examine the sources of support for Turkey’s EU-entry in the German public. I propose several models and explore their respective empirical validity using survey data gathered in May and June 2005. The analysis shows that neither trust in the federal government nor evaluations of the EU institutions play a role in attitudes toward Turkey’s bid for membership. By contrast, attitudes towards this issue are considerably affected by preferences about EU enlargement and, more strongly, by beliefs about whether Turkey at least partly belongs to Europe. Likewise, when forming attitudes towards Turkey’s bid for EU membership, Germans appear to consider the presumed consequences of including Turkey in the EU. Both East and West Germans are particularly likely to take consequences for regional security into account. The paper concludes with a discussion of several implications for German public opinion on this EU issue. 相似文献
273.
Public administrators at the local level often rely on citizen surveys to measure the outcomes or accomplishments of their service delivery efforts. However, many remain skeptical about the value of survey-based measures of local government performance, in large part because of the low empirical correlation between objective and subjective performance measures reported in the literature. Using data from New York City's street cleanliness scorecard, a well-established outcome measure, combined with responses from more than 4,000 respondents to a citizen survey, the authors find a clear and consistent correlation between the scorecard and citizen ratings of street cleanliness in their neighborhoods. Moreover, the street cleanliness scorecard is a much stronger predictor of citizen ratings than demographic factors, trust in government, or contextual effects. These results demonstrate that citizen judgments about government performance can correspond closely with more objectively measured outcomes—and that citizen surveys can provide valid and useful performance measures, at least for some local government services. 相似文献
274.
Trends in states’ civil service reforms since the Winter Commission’s report was published in 1993 are described and evaluated in the context of its recommendations. The authors argue that the commission’s reform agenda relies on a public service bargain that requires public employees, elected officials, and other stakeholders to respect, trust, and support each other’s efforts to serve the public interest. Its recommendations for modernizing state and local personnel systems are discussed and related to the “reinvention” and New Public Management initiatives of the past 20 years. Many of these ideas have been adopted by state governments, but there is no single reform model that has been followed across the states. Some states, such as Georgia and Florida, have engaged in radical reforms that include replacing traditional merit systems with at‐will employment models. The general pattern involves decentralization, deregulation, and limitation of employee protections. While many of the management‐oriented changes advocated by the Winter Commission are staples of states’ civil service reforms, its emphasis on a “trust and lead” strategy based on public service values, partnership, and leadership in the public interest has not received much attention. In general, objective evaluations of states’ reforms are needed to determine whether their purposes are being achieved. 相似文献
275.
Lee H. Igel 《Society》2008,45(6):512-514
Most people mistakenly assume that health care first became a major political issue in 1945 because President Harry S. Truman’s
special address to Congress on Nov. 19 of that year marked the first time a sitting president publicly endorsed a national
health-care program. But the question of whether—or to what extent—it is the responsibility of government to subsidize health
care for its citizens has been around for a much longer amount of time. Now that health care has become a major focus of domestic
political debate, especially in light of the impending presidential election, this article, modified from an entry in the
forthcoming Encyclopedia of Campaigns, Elections, & Electoral Behavior (Sage Publications), serves to inform the reader of the origins and history of health care as a campaign issue.
相似文献
Lee H. IgelEmail: |
276.
Richard Squires 《Society》2008,45(3):277-282
The Interstate Sprawl System is an article about the role of automobile transportation in the culture and civilization of
the USA. After demonstrating that all previous civilizations in history have gathered around trading ports, where land values
rise as the proximity to the port increases, it analyses the changes wrought by the grid system of transportation brought
on by the automobile in the USA, where land values remain fairly constant and no core trading centers can be found. These
changes include the decimation of the old port cities as well as the urbanization of rural lands. The article concludes with
an appeal to encourage inter-city rapid rail as the obvious antidote to the problem.
相似文献
Richard SquiresEmail: |
277.
Ryan L. Claassen 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):277-296
Questions persist regarding the robustness of cross-sectional estimates of effects of variables that are themselves endogenous
to the participation process. On one hand, the consequences of working on a campaign have interesting implications for democratic
society. Less benign, however, is the possibility that failure to control for reciprocal processes leads to biased estimates
of the causes of campaign participation. I use a panel of Democratic and Republican contributors interviewed following each
of the past three presidential elections (1996, 2000, and 2004) to explore the relationships between campaign participation
and three variables typically parameterized as predictors of participation: receiving a contact, ideological extremism, and
strength of party identification. The effect of strength of party identification on campaign participation proves robust;
however, I find that nearly all of the associations between contacts and participation and ideological extremism and participation
appear to extend from, not into, participation and past participation.
相似文献
Ryan L. ClaassenEmail: |
278.
Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis
Per Adman 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):115-138
Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis
put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic
decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative
panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation
was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional
data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance
of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.
相似文献
Per AdmanEmail: |
279.
Jeffrey Lazarus 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):185-198
Politically experienced challengers are more successful in seeking political office than amateurs. The relationship is found
so regularly that political experience has become the standard ex ante indicator of challenger quality in studies of American elections. Despite this, little work has investigated why experienced challengers are so successful. Many scholars attribute the relationship to inherent differences between experienced
challengers and amateurs: experienced challengers have stronger electoral skills and greater access to material resources.
I argue that these differences play a role, but an indirect one. Rather, experienced challengers are lead by both their resource
advantage and the high amount of risk they are exposed to in seeking office to run in races in which their party has a good
chance of winning. Thus, the direct cause of the experienced challengers’ success is self-selection into winnable races. Empirical
analysis supports the self-selection model over a model in which resources directly lead to success.
相似文献
Jeffrey LazarusEmail: |
280.
Anton Oleinik 《Society》2008,45(3):288-293
The experience of Soviet involvement in Afghanistan (1979–1989) is considered through the prism of institutional transfers.
Afghanistan has a long history of attempts to implement Muslim, Soviet and Anglo-Saxon institutional designs. Most of them
have failed. This failure can be attributed to the lack of ‘elective affinity’ between traditional and new institutions imported
from more developed countries. It is argued that a careful examination of the degree of elective affinity must precede any
attempt of institutional transfers. An analysis of Ph.D. dissertations defended by Afghan students at Soviet and Russian universities
complements logical arguments and references to historical facts.
相似文献
Anton OleinikEmail: |