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941.
942.
How do national social programs influence local voting? This study utilizes the experimental set up of a conditional cash transfer program to show that small, targeted cash transfers can have large electoral effects. The Honduran PRAF program allocated an average of $18 per capita per year to poor households within municipalities that were randomly assigned to receive the program. Although the program was administered at the national level, the program increased an incumbent mayor's re-election probabilities by 39%, without significantly influencing voting behavior in presidential elections. Moreover, the evidence suggests that transferring cash to poor households were more effective at increasing political support than interventions providing public goods for poor villages. 相似文献
943.
944.
945.
946.
Recent scholarship has critiqued the tendency for separated mothers in custody disputes to be defined as hostile and alienating.
Through the presentation of three case studies, drawn from an interview-based study with 21 women, we show how such pejorative
constructions only arise when the conflicting gendered moral accountabilities of contemporary motherhood are overlooked. We
found that mothers tend to believe that contact with non-resident fathers is generally in a child’s best interests. However,
as a result of balancing complex moral obligations for the care of their children, they may raise questions about particular
kinds of arrangements for contact with particular fathers. We argue, therefore, that family law practice will lead to better
outcomes for children when professionals listen to the history of, and reasons for, mothers’ positions. To enable family law
professionals to undertake this task, we offer an alternative interpretive framework for making sense of women’s stories.
Should family law professionals make use of this framework, it is likely that they will understand that the positions mothers
adopt are often the outcome of the difficult moral dilemmas they encounter in caring for their children, and that the reductive
rubric of the ‘hostile mother’ needs to be treated with scepticism. 相似文献
947.
948.
Elizabeth Macdonald 《The Modern law review》2008,71(6):987-998
Consideration is given to the treatment of the core exemption in Regulation 6(2) of the Unfair Terms in Consumer Contracts Regulations 1999 in Office of Fair Trading v Abbey National Bank. Certain aspects of the approach taken to the general limitation of the exemption to terms in plain intelligible language are looked at, before the scope of Regulation 6(2)(b) itself is addressed. 相似文献
949.
Using a pair of national surveys, this article analyzes the individual-level sources of public support for Social Security
privatization. Given the inherent risks associated with privatization, we argue that the political trust heuristic affords
untapped theoretical leverage in explaining public attitudes toward privatization. We find that, among certain individuals,
political trust plays an instrumental role in structuring privatization preferences. Political trust increases support for
privatization, but only among liberals. This heterogeneity in trust’s impact is best explained, we argue, by the unbalanced
ideological costs imposed by the potential privatization of Social Security. Among liberals, embracing privatization requires
the sacrifice of core values, thereby making political trust a potent consideration. Political trust is inconsequential among
conservatives because supporting privatization requires no comparable sacrifice for them.
相似文献
Elizabeth PoppEmail: |
950.
Elizabeth N. Simas 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2017,27(3):274-290
The general consensus of the research on US primary contests is that voters consider candidates’ potential for a general election victory when choosing their party’s nominee. Yet, at the individual level, this literature has failed to (1) clearly isolate the effects of electability from the money and media attention that they generate; and (2) properly control for the potential effects of ideology. Using an original experimental design, I find that electability can increase the likelihood of a voter supporting a more ideologically distant candidate. I also show that when faced with a tradeoff, a large percentage of subjects from both parties choose electability over ideology. The resulting implication is that there is potential for moderates to be successful in primaries, as even ideologically extreme voters appear to be willing to compromise on policy representation when confronted with a more distant but electable candidate. 相似文献