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81.
Eric Wilson 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,51(3-4):413-434
This essay applies the theoretical concepts of pure war and speed-politics developed by the critical theorist and urbanist Paul Virilio to the concept of power crime. The aim of this paper is to present readers unfamiliar with Virilio’s work with a philosophical methodology of great potential significance to critical criminology. It is divided into two major parts. The first part re-considers power crime and the broader criminogenic environment in terms of the Virilian notions of velocity, optics, and pure war: criminogenic phenomena are shown to be the necessary and unavoidable by-products of the wider convergences among political, economic, and military systems governed by speed. The second part consists of an empirical case study illustrating the practical applicability of these abstract Virilian concepts: the federal prosecution of the private security firm Custer Battles for fraud. The systemic corruption of the US military procurement process and the inability of the federal judicial system to provide a remedy for the fraud perpetrated against the American public is read as a key sign of the suspension of the liberal juro-political order and the effective abolition of the rule of law by fast moving, or “high velocity”, criminogenic processes. 相似文献
82.
Recent headlines comparing the health risks of nanotechnology to those of asbestos have appeared in newspapers throughout the country and on the Internet. Governmental agencies and standard-setting organizations have begun considering and actually adopting requirements to protect against such purported risks. The plaintiffs’ bar and potential plaintiffs have surely taken note. There is every reason to believe that the era of mass tort and class actions related to nanotechnology—“nanotorts” for short—is rapidly approaching. This article examines what nanotort claims might look like, the role that regulations and industry practices may play in such lawsuits, potential defenses to those claims, and what nanotech companies can do now to guard against future nanotort liabilities. 相似文献
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Eric Linhart Johannes Raabe Patrick Statsch 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(1):21-40
Mixed electoral systems are often associated with the hope of combining proportional election outcomes with a concentrated party system, and thus achieving the best of both worlds in electoral system design. It is especially the mixed-member proportional (MMP) variant that has retained a good reputation in this regard. Via a comparative analysis, we analyze whether or not the general praise for MMP systems is corroborated empirically. Our results show that the performance of MMP systems is heavily influenced by technical details, and elections conducted under MMP vary broadly with regard to possible proportionality–concentration combinations. 相似文献
85.
Longmore Monica A. Sevareid Eric E. Manning Wendy D. Giordano Peggy C. Clemens William Taylor Heather 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(2):320-334
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Despite the centrality of dating relationships for teens, it is unclear whether the influence of romantic partners’ alcohol use on adolescents’... 相似文献
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Eric Rugraff 《欧亚研究》2016,68(8):1396-1420
This article studies the reaction of automotive component suppliers in Hungary to the 2008–2009 economic crisis. We find that the global suppliers viewed the crisis as an opportunity to reinforce the competitiveness of their Hungarian affiliates by engaging in product and process upgrading, and upgrading through research and development. The regional suppliers combined defensive strategies aimed at reducing costs with offensive measures in the form of product upgrading, production upgrading and expansion into new markets. The local suppliers reduced costs and reduced their workforce, but also reacted offensively by expanding into new markets, upgrading their activity and collaborating with other local suppliers. 相似文献
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The debate over electoral reform has largely focused on representation in Parliament. However, the government largely controls policy‐making in parliamentary systems like Canada. This article shows that a more proportional system would increase the likelihood of coalitions. Because the dominant approach to studying representation in government, ideological congruence, suggests that reforming the electoral system would make no change to the level of representation, this article focuses instead on the representation of party preferences. It shows that multi‐party cabinets, common under proportional systems, involve a trade‐off between including more citizens’ preferred parties in government, while reducing the overall level of party preference representation. 相似文献