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121.
Parliamentary websites (PWs) can potentially enhance the quality of government by providing information and communication links that stimulate political awareness, deliberation and participation. This article focuses on two particular uses of PWs that can facilitate communication between constituents and their Members of Parliament: provision of MP contact and background information; and links to social media. Through a seminal empirical examination of all 184 functioning lower house and unicameral PWs around the world, this study found that although PWs in wealthy democracies generally provide more MP information, the majority of PWs are deficient in providing basic MP information to citizens and utilizing linkages to social media. By contrast, some non-democratic states and newly democratized countries, especially those with compulsory voting, display a relatively high level of MP transparency and social media connectivity.  相似文献   
122.
校车安全事关国家公共安全,影响着社会的和谐.校车作为方便学生上下学及为繁忙的家长节约接送时间的重要工具应需而生.但由于各种原因,校车安全事故频频发生,尤其多发于幼儿园、小学的年幼孩子中.本文基于事故案例的统计分析,针对校车事故发生的各类原因,运用事故树分析法分析导致校车事故的各层次原因、基本原因集合及重要度.在此基础上,本文探讨校车安全的薄弱环节需要完善的地方,并参考国务院出台的《校车安全管理条例》[1],从安全教育、规范行为和标准、监管力度、经济投入几个方面为我国校车现有安全问题提出科学的、有针对性的防范措施.  相似文献   
123.
As an intrinsic part of the classic microfinance model, group meetings are intended to employ social capital to ensure timely repayment. Recent research suggests that more frequent meetings can increase social capital among first‐time clients. Using randomized variation in group meeting frequency for 174 microfinance groups in India, we demonstrate that social capital gains associated with more frequent meetings continue to accrue across multiple lending cycles. However, these effects are reduced when group members differ in their borrowing history. In addition, clients who start with low levels of empowerment report higher social capital gains when matched with similar clients. We discuss how current microfinance policy debates overlook the creation of social capital, including through repayment meeting frequency, and we encourage regulators to undertake a holistic understanding of microfinance's impacts.  相似文献   
124.
How does civic education affect the development of democratic political culture in new democracies? Using a unique three‐wave panel data set from Kenya spanning the transitional democratic election of 2002, we posit a two‐step process of the social transmission of democratic knowledge, norms, and values. Civic education first affected the knowledge, values, and participatory inclinations of individuals directly exposed to the Kenyan National Civic Education Programme (NCEP). These individuals became opinion leaders, communicating these new orientations to others within their social networks. Individuals who discussed others’ civic education experiences then showed significant growth in democratic knowledge and values, in many instances more than individuals with direct exposure to the program. We find further evidence of a “compensation effect,” such that the impact of civic education and post‐civic education discussion was greater among Kenyans with less education and with lower levels of social integration.  相似文献   
125.
‘Too Many’     
The statement that Australia has ‘too many abortions’ often circulates with intensity in times of increased worry over the vulnerability of white demographic and sociocultural dominance in Australia. Contrasting two such periods—the 1970s (with 1979 as the apex point) and the mid-2000s (2002–2008)—this article will show that, in times of national crisis, debates over abortion can become a site where politicians, journalists and other influential social commentators displace and assuage anxieties regarding the size and constitution of Australia's future population. The statement that Australia has ‘too many abortions’ carries the imperative for white women to reproduce the nation. This demand is made perceptible through a history of maternal citizenship for white women, which reverberates in the present, and the articulation of the desire to eradicate abortion (amongst white women) alongside other key biopolitical technologies—the disavowal of Indigenous sovereignty and the exclusion of non-white immigrants from the nation. The figure of the aborting woman thus stands alongside other bodies perceived as threats to white sociocultural hegemony in Australia and one of its key institutions—the white, hetero-family. In the 1970s, such figures included the communist, the divorcee and the (non-white) immigrant, and in the 2000s, the lesbian mother, the single mother and the boatperson. The association of aborting women with other threats to the security of white sociocultural hegemony in Australia produces her as an object of fear for the nation, re-affirming the goal of white reproduction as a national duty and social good.  相似文献   
126.
127.
Abstract In recent years, two measures against racial discrimination have been taken in Europe: the European Union adopted a Council Directive implementing the Principle of Equal Treatment between Persons irrespective of Racial or Ethnic Origin in June 2000; and, in December 2002, the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, a body of the Council of Europe, adopted General Policy Recommendation no 7 on National Legislation to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. This article reviews these two instruments, which show many similarities, but also some differences. The differences are mainly their force, their personal and material scope, and their grounds for discrimination. The relationship between the two, and how they influence and strengthen one another to increase the pressure for adequate and effective legislation within the Member States of the European Union, is discussed and analysed.  相似文献   
128.
Mass media have been blamed for distancing people from the political process by increasing cynicism and voter apathy. A telephone survey of 592 registered voters in Washington state tested a set of relationships among political involvement, perceived media importance, political disaffection, and efficacy. As hypothesized, political involvement was positively associated with the perceived importance of newspapers and radio talk shows. These, in turn, were negatively associated with cynicism and positively associated with efficacy. Cynicism was negatively associated with efficacy, while efficacy was positively associated with involvement. The results suggest that involvement is a key variable in the political decision making process through its relationships with orientations toward information sources. Thus, media can serve as a catalyst for involved citizen decision making. Scholars should attend to the motivational context individuals bring to the media when examining the role of the media in political decision making.  相似文献   
129.
广西信息产业在国家优惠政策支持下取得了跨越发展,现已初具规模和效益;随着中国-东盟自由贸易区的建立,给广西信息产业的发展提供了更为宽广的平台,但机遇与挑战并存;通过基于中国-东盟自由贸易区的广西信息产业SWOT分析,提出发展对策,以期对广西信息产业的发展提供借鉴。  相似文献   
130.
As the Covid-19 pandemic began, initial reports suggested that armed groups would seize the opportunity to expand their control over territory and civilians. However, drawing on an original survey of local security officials responsible for monitoring armed group behaviour in Colombia, we find little evidence of significant shifts in the presence or behaviour of political or criminal groups. Contrary to prevailing expectations, we also find that armed group governance is common in areas contested by multiple groups. Our findings shed new light on armed group adaptation to shocks, and challenge the assumption that territorial control is a prerequisite for governance.  相似文献   
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