全文获取类型
收费全文 | 17103篇 |
免费 | 290篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 672篇 |
工人农民 | 1423篇 |
世界政治 | 698篇 |
外交国际关系 | 590篇 |
法律 | 10184篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 58篇 |
政治理论 | 3689篇 |
综合类 | 76篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 115篇 |
2019年 | 160篇 |
2018年 | 1449篇 |
2017年 | 1388篇 |
2016年 | 1219篇 |
2015年 | 210篇 |
2014年 | 182篇 |
2013年 | 1033篇 |
2012年 | 420篇 |
2011年 | 1129篇 |
2010年 | 1172篇 |
2009年 | 776篇 |
2008年 | 983篇 |
2007年 | 907篇 |
2006年 | 266篇 |
2005年 | 296篇 |
2004年 | 412篇 |
2003年 | 360篇 |
2002年 | 246篇 |
2001年 | 277篇 |
2000年 | 275篇 |
1999年 | 196篇 |
1998年 | 130篇 |
1997年 | 138篇 |
1996年 | 130篇 |
1995年 | 131篇 |
1994年 | 118篇 |
1993年 | 115篇 |
1992年 | 184篇 |
1991年 | 200篇 |
1990年 | 185篇 |
1989年 | 182篇 |
1988年 | 162篇 |
1987年 | 184篇 |
1986年 | 180篇 |
1985年 | 165篇 |
1984年 | 167篇 |
1983年 | 174篇 |
1982年 | 101篇 |
1981年 | 92篇 |
1980年 | 80篇 |
1979年 | 112篇 |
1978年 | 85篇 |
1977年 | 82篇 |
1976年 | 61篇 |
1975年 | 60篇 |
1974年 | 63篇 |
1973年 | 74篇 |
1972年 | 63篇 |
1968年 | 53篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
901.
902.
Frank Bovenkerk 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,55(4):259-260
Terrorist organizations, groups, cells or just ‘bunches of guys’ are systematically compared with other types of criminal
or deviant organizations: organized crime such as the mafia, street gangs and religious sects. Of course there are many differences
between them, especially where motivation is concerned, but they share the common factor that it is almost impossible or very
difficult for individual members to step out. However, de-radicalization may follow analogous paths: aging out, accepting
exit programs in prison or disengaging ideologically. The article discusses the obstacles that a government strategy that
encourages desistance from terrorism by stepping out may encounter. It may be sufficient and more realistic to discourage
radicals from using violence than to try to de-radicalize them by using counternarrative techniques. 相似文献
903.
Zaijun Yuan 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(4):389-405
In the Chinese political system, according to the constitution, the people’s congresses at the primary level are the only
institution which the voters can directly elect. However, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tightly controls the “direct elections”
and takes every measure in the elections to prevent grassroots power from entering even the primary-level people’s congresses.
In recent years, grassroots power has kept struggling for its legal rights in the “direct elections” held in a few localities.
The conflicts between the grassroots power and the authoritarian party in the “direct elections” have become an interesting
political phenomenon, a subject deserves close observation and research. This paper studies the background of the independent
candidates, their motivations and behaviour in elections. The paper also examines the party’s control in the elections and
thus exposes the true nature of China’s people’s congress “direct” elections. The paper argues that independent candidates
can have little impacts on China’s political structure at the current stage because of the party’s tight control, but their
political participation has the most democratic value, compared with the “reforms” instigated and carried out by the CCP. 相似文献
904.
905.
J.I. Gow A. Paul Pross V. Seymour Wilson C.E.S. Franks O.P. Dwivedi 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2011,54(2):165-187
Abstract: J.E. (Ted) Hodgetts was influenced by both the political economy approach that he learned at the University of Toronto and by the comprehensive historical method developed by Leonard White, under whom he studied at Chicago. His first great project, Pioneer Public Service, convinced him that responsible government was impossible without responsible public administration. The authors examine how his response to management theories and practices evolved following his participation in the Glassco, Lambert and Gomery commissions. Hodgetts consistently refused the complete separation of politics and administration, and he promoted the use of management techniques to strengthen parliamentary supervision of the public service. The two key components of his legacy are thus a commitment to the democratic values of representative government and the comprehensive study of the internal dynamics of public administration in interaction with the relevant environmental factors. 相似文献
906.
Lauren K. Hall 《Society》2011,48(4):316-322
907.
908.
E. B. Main 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):427-436
Gordon Harmon was born in China in 1900 and after the First World War served in the Salt Revenue Guards for a number of years. After the outbreak of WWII he was posted in a liaison role to the centre of Chinese government in Chungking. There he worked with Chiang Kai Shek's Nationalist Intelligence Service. But he also had quite close links with Chou En-Lai, who was also in Chungking at that time. The extent of his more general relationship with the Communists is unclear, but he seems to have reported fairly extensively on their plans and intentions. Harmon has left a very detailed record of a conversation with Mao Tse-tung in 1946 which seems to suggest that he had met Mao a few times before.. It was Mao who apparently said to Harmon “I am not interested in Hongkong and I will certainly not allow it to become a bone of contention between your country and mine” 相似文献
909.
910.