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341.
Rich voters tend to be Republicans and poor voters tend to be Democrats. Yet, in most settings it is difficult to distinguish the effects of affluence on partisanship from those of closely related variables such as education. To address these concerns I use state lottery and administrative records to examine the effect of changing economic circumstances on the partisanship of over 1,900 registered voters. Winning larger amounts in the lottery produces a small increase in the probability an individual is later a registered Republican, an effect that is larger for those who registered to vote after winning. This suggests that wealth does affect partisanship, particularly for those without preexisting attachments to a political party. Comparing estimates from the lottery to cross-sectional data suggests the latter exaggerates the relationship between wealth and partisanship, although controlling for additional variables produces largely similar estimates. 相似文献
342.
Erik Gahner Larsen Klaus Levinsen Ulrik Kjaer 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2016,26(4):435-451
Should 16-year-olds be entitled to participate in elections? We theorize that mock elections for adolescents, who are not eligible to vote, affect the short-term support among the general public for lowering the voting age. To test our theoretical expectation, we utilize variation among municipalities in the organization of mock elections during the Danish local elections in 2009. Difference-in-difference estimates with data from the subsequent local elections in 2013 demonstrate that citizens in municipalities with mock elections for adolescents were more supportive of lowering the voting age and that their support was strongly rooted in ideological differences. 相似文献
343.
Erik Voeten 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2011,24(2):121-128
344.
345.
Erik L. Knudsen 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(1):213-234
In order to understand fully why a Syrian-Israeli peace agreement has yet to be made, it is imperative to be aware of the dimensions of the conflict, war and mistrust that have been at the root of the Syrian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. The apparent inability for Syrians and Israelis to live in peaceful co existence pre dates the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Mutual animosity certainly increased with the 1967 Israeli occupation and consequent annexation of the Golan Heights. The 1973 Arab-Israeli war, the 1982 conflict in Lebanon and war by proxy after that heightened insecurity on both sides. 相似文献