全文获取类型
收费全文 | 415篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 17篇 |
工人农民 | 30篇 |
世界政治 | 36篇 |
外交国际关系 | 50篇 |
法律 | 140篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 158篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 18篇 |
2018年 | 15篇 |
2017年 | 18篇 |
2016年 | 25篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 20篇 |
2013年 | 56篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 16篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 13篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 16篇 |
2003年 | 20篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2001年 | 12篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 7篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1962年 | 1篇 |
1961年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有433条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
The act of evaluation requires an expenditure of resources. In Part I of this paper, we present a simple decision tree model borrowed from operations research to provide a conceptual framework for considering whether or not to commit such resources. In Part II, once the evaluation is carried out, we address the problem of evaluating the evaluation as a vehicle for producing useful information to decisionmakers. Evaluation inputs, processes, and outcomes are defined and discussed within the context of comprehensive evaluation of evaluations. 相似文献
42.
This study examines the association between parents' violence toward children and their involuntary participation in family work. Involuntary participation in family work is conceptualized as a form of role strain measured by the disparity between the amount of responsibility husbands and wives would prefer to assume in the home and the amount of family work they actually perform. The prediction guiding this research is that differences of this kind are more associated with mothers' violence than fathers'. Regression analysis with a national sample of parents supports this hypothesis. Nonetheless, the association between such role strain and violence is quite weak, suggesting that additional research is required in formulating and measuring this relationship. 相似文献
43.
44.
45.
46.
Since trials began in 1997, the International Criminal Tribunalfor Rwanda (ICTR) has conducted cases involving 50 accused,involving a prime minister and several ministers, prefects,bourgmestres and other leaders, who would otherwise not havebeen brought to justice. Judgments have been rendered in respectof 25 accused, with three acquittals. During the first mandate(19951999), the Tribunal delivered ground-breaking judgmentsconcerning genocide, such as Akayesu and Kambanda. In the secondmandate (19992003), the judicial output doubled and includedthe Media judgment. Halfway into the third mandate (20032007),trials involving 25 accused are ongoing. The ICTR is an efficientjudicial institution which has conducted fair trials, createdimportant jurisprudence, and made a significant contributionto the development of international criminal justice. 相似文献
47.
48.
Erik Lin-Greenberg 《Asian Security》2018,14(3):282-302
Can seemingly benign deployments of armed forces on military operations other than war (MOOTW) – such as humanitarian relief and anti-piracy missions – exacerbate security dilemmas? The security dilemma holds a central role in international relations theory, but existing analyses overlook whether non-traditional security operations drive security competition if perceived as threatening. Despite increased MOOTW participation throughout Asia, scant attention has been paid to the broader strategic implications of these operations. This article proposes a hypothesis in which MOOTW participation exacerbates security competition by revealing military capabilities and providing states with skills that make offensive action easier. The article tests this hypothesis by process tracing events surrounding Japan’s post-3/11 earthquake response. The findings suggest that MOOTW participation intensifies long-term security competition, especially when rising powers are involved. 相似文献
49.
Julian Wucherpfennig Philipp Hunziker Lars‐Erik Cederman 《American journal of political science》2016,60(4):882-898
Postulating grievance‐based mechanisms, several recent studies show that politically excluded ethnic groups are more likely to experience civil conflict. However, critics argue that endogeneity may undermine this finding since governments' decisions to include or exclude could be motivated by the anticipation of conflict. We counter this threat to inference by articulating a causal pathway that explains ethnic groups' access to power independently of conflict. Focusing on postcolonial states, we exploit differences in colonial empires' strategies of rule to model which ethnic groups were represented in government at the time of independence. This identification strategy allows estimating the exogenous effect of inclusiveness on conflict. We find that previous studies have tended to understate the conflict‐dampening impact of political inclusion. This finding suggests that grievances have been prematurely dismissed from conventional explanations of conflict, and that policy makers should consider conflict resolution methods based on power sharing and group rights. 相似文献
50.
Erik Herron 《Democratization》2013,20(2):41-59
Institutional designers, international organizations and post-Soviet political actors have directed considerable attention to the design and conduct of elections in postcommunist states. This article explores the nature of electoral system re-design by investigating the motives and interactions of legislators, parties and presidents. Following the veto players literature, the analysis focuses on the determinants of policy stability and change. The process of institutional re-design is evaluated in two cases: the successful introduction of the Law on Political Parties in Russia and unsuccessful attempts at major election reform in Ukraine. The article shows that the outcomes of policy reform processes in these 'superpresidential' systems were not solely determined by presidential preferences. Rather, to fully understand election system re-design, it is critical to evaluate the preferences of all relevant veto players. 相似文献