Multiparty politics in Argentina? Electoral rules and changing patterns

This article attempts to illuminate some institutional features of the past and the current electoral systems of Argentina and the problematic relationship between these characteristics and the trend of changes that the party system has been experiencing since the return of democracy in 1983. The focus is on the dangers of political stalemate that might have developed if the institutional arrangements implemented at the end of the military rule had not been reformed subsequently. The study has two objectives: (a) to demonstrate that there is a trend towards an increasing fractionalization of the Argentine party system; and (b) to show that the combination of an electoral college with a majority requirement, proportional representation to allocate presidential electors, malapportionment among districts, and this increasing process of pluralization in most provinces (where presidential elections were decided because of electoral college complexities) threatened the stability of democracy.     

Bribing Voters

We present a model of influence over collective decisions made through voting. We show how an outside party offering incentives to a committee can manipulate the committee's decisions at no cost and induce inefficient outcomes. A key condition is that the outsider be able to reward decisive votes differently. Inefficiency results from voting externalities. We relax all initial assumptions to investigate how to insulate committees. We study different information settings, credibility assumptions, payoff structures (voters caring about the collective decision and about their own votes), and incentive schemes (offers contingent on pivotal votes, individual votes, vote shares, and the collective decision). We analyze when voting should be made secret; we elucidate the role of individual accountability and various political institutions in preventing vote buying. We discuss implications for lobbying, for clientelism, for decisions in legislatures, boards, and central banks, and for the efficiency of democracy .     

Emergence of fentanyl-related deaths in Travis County,Texas and surrounding areas: A retrospective review of postmortem fentanyl-related drug toxicities from 2020 to 2022

The opioid epidemic has affected the United States (US) for decades with fentanyl and its analogs accounting for a recent surge in morbidity and mortality. Currently, there is a relative lack of information characterizing fentanyl-related fatalities specifically in the Southern US. A retrospective study was conducted to examine all postmortem fentanyl-related drug toxicities in Travis County, Texas, encompassing Austin (one of the fastest-growing cities in the US), from 2020 to 2022. Fentanyl contributed to 2.6% and 12.2% of deaths submitted for toxicology between 2020 and 2022, respectively, representing a 375% increase in fentanyl-related deaths over this 3-year period (n = 517). Fentanyl-related fatalities primarily occurred in males in their mid-30s. Fentanyl and norfentanyl concentrations ranged from 0.58 to 320 ng/mL and 0.53 to 140 ng/mL with mean (median) concentrations of 17.2 ± 25.0 (11.0) and 5.6 ± 10.9 (2.9) ng/mL, respectively. Polydrug use was present in 88% of cases, with methamphetamine (or other amphetamines) (25%), benzodiazepines (21%), and cocaine (17%) representing the most frequently identified concurrent substances. Co-positivity rates of various drugs and drug classes widely varied over time. Scene investigations reported illicit powder(s) (n = 141) and/or illicit pill(s) (n = 154) in 48% (n = 247) of fentanyl-related deaths. Illicit oxycodone (44%, n = 67) and illicit “Xanax” (38%, n = 59) pills were frequently reported on scene; however, toxicology only identified oxycodone and alprazolam in 2 and 24 of these cases, respectively. The results of this study provide a better understanding of the fentanyl epidemic in this region creating an opportunity to promote increased awareness, shift focus to harm reduction, and aid in minimizing public health risks.     

Chemical identification and optimization of the 4-aminophenol colorimetric test for the differentiation between hemp-type and marijuana-type cannabis plant samples

The 4- Aminophenol (4-AP) colorimetric test is a fast, easy-to-use, and cost-effective presumptive assay of cannabis plant material producing different chromophores with THC-rich cannabis (blue color) and with CBD-rich cannabis (pink color). The main drawback of the 4-AP test is a brief observation window where the color rapidly changes to black, limiting the utility of the test. We now report for the first time, the identification of the product chromophores between 4-AP and CBD/THC as well as propose an explanation and a solution for the color degradation of the chromophores. The identification of the chromophores is provided by spectroscopic (UV–Vis), chromatography, and mass spectrometry (TLC and LC-QToF-MS). Oxidation of excess 4-AP (Reagent A) in the presence of NaOH (Reagent B) produces the black color observed for the previously reported 4-AP tests and reported in the literature. The adjustment of reactants concentrations and volumes of 4-AP:THC/CBD to a 1:1 ratio significantly reduces the black oxidation by-product and increases the observation window up to 2 h instead of the previously reported 5–10 min. For the first time, mass spectrometry and chromatography confirmed that the reaction of THC and CBD with 4-AP produced chromophores with m/z (M + H) = 420, consistent with proposed indophenol structures. The TLC method developed confirmed the separation between CBD and THC chromophores. The specificity of the test is also reported, showing false positive results for the presence of THC (blue color) for samples of thyme and oregano. LDA and SIMCA models showed that the optimized 4-AP procedure performs better than the previously reported 4-AP color test.     

An Unusual Case Showing Fatal Rupture of a Gastric Ulcer or Gastromalacia? The Importance/Role of Histology for Differential Diagnosis

Gastromalacia is the acute autolytic erosion of the gastric wall. It generally occurs postmortem, and it appears as a slimy brownish black region of the wall which occurs principally in the gastric fundus. A 59‐year‐old woman died in the Emergency Department following a 2‐day period of mild abdominal pain, vomiting, and diarrhea. A forensic autopsy was performed which revealed a rupture of the gastric fundus that had caused leakage of gastric content into the abdominal cavity. There was no macroscopic evidence of peritonitis, and the stomach wall adjacent to the rupture site showed marked thinning. The gross appearance was typical of gastromalacia. In contrast, histological observations revealed the presence of an ulcer at the site of perforation and a severe acute inflammatory reaction indicating a robust reaction with an antemortem rupture.     

Hacia un proyecto “democrático-expansivo” de transparencia

This work explores the paradox of normative and institutional improvements vis-à-vis political and practical deficiencies through the analytical lens of an increasing clash among three different and opposing projects of transparency: the “bureaucratic”, the “public-relation,” and the “democratic-expanding” approaches. Mexico’s failure to fulfill the promises of its institutional reforms is due to the preeminence of the first two approaches. Mexico, as well as other countries in a similar situation, needs to transcend such superficial, one-sided approaches to fully embrace a project aimed at deepening and expanding democracy itself.     

Legislator Success in Committee: Gatekeeping Authority and the Loss of Majority Control

In multiparty legislatures, the largest party or coalition may fall short of controlling a majority of plenary seats. However, plurality‐led congresses generally endow the largest parties with extensive agenda‐setting prerogatives, even when plenary majorities are lacking. In this article, we present a model and compelling evidence describing changes in the strategic behavior of committee chairs when majority control is lost. Using a dataset that includes all the bills proposed to the Argentine House in the last 25 years, we estimate success in committee in majority‐ and plurality‐led congresses. We provide extensive evidence that the loss of majority control reduces the importance of the median voter of the plurality party while improving the success of the median committee voter.